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In mid-2013, China’s increasingly positive policies towards United Nations peacekeeping reached a milestone when the country agreed to send a large detachment of personnel, including combat forces for the first time, to the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali (known by its French acronym MINUSMA). This commitment was also distinct in that the mission was not in a region which represented direct Chinese economic interests, unlike other African peacekeeping missions in which Beijing has offered support. Rather, the Mali operation has both cemented Beijing’s larger commitment to building African partnerships and has demonstrated a marked contrast to the unilateral approach taken by France in pacifying the country. Although China has warmed to the principles of humanitarian intervention in civil conflicts, it retains a wariness towards peacebuilding operations outside the sponsorship of the UN. Therefore, the Mali operation has been beneficial for China, not only in building its peacekeeping credentials in Africa but also in underscoring China’s increasingly distinct, ‘neo-Westphalian’ views on addressing intervention in domestic conflicts.

Through the example of joint peackeeping operations (PKO) between the United Nations and the European union in Chad and Central african Republic (known by their French acronyms as Eufor Tchad-RCA and Minurcat) between 2008 and 2010, the purpose of this research is to question the social process that lead to the launching and the implementation of a collective security operation knwon as a peacekeeping operation.Though the Anglo-Saxon analyses of peacekeeping inspired by the International Relations theory not often question the decisionnal process, considering the deployment as a rational mean to treat a crisis, this thesis is an analysis of the non-linear social process that led to the deployment of Eufor Tchad-RCA and Minurcat. This analysis allows us to question in an orignal way the dysfunction of peacekeeping by shifting the focus from the local appropriation of the PKO as suggested by the Libera Peace approach to the continuity between decisionnal stages and implementation stages of the PKO. The thesis proposed here is that the launching of a PKO must be understood as the output of the social activity that takes place around a security issue that lead to the structuration of an area of action in the collective security sector. We named that periode a conjuncture of peacekeeping. The conduct of the operation is then analysed as the continuity of the activity in this area of action which includes new actors during its implementation stage. The re setup of the area of action can lead to the pursuit of the PKO or to its end, regarding the social dynamic that is set up. ; A travers l'exemple des opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) conjointes entre les Nations Unies et l'Union européenne au Tchad et en République centrafricaine (Eufor Tchad-RCA et Minurcat) entre 2008 et 2010, cette thèse questionne les mécanismes qui mènent au déclenchement d'une opération de sécurité collective dite de maintien de la paix ainsi que son déroulement. Alors que les analyses anglo-saxonnes du maintien de la paix dans le champ ...

Programme doctoral en Science politique, mention Relations internationales ; The failures of UN peacekeeping operations in Rwanda and Bosnia greatly eroded the aura of Blue helmets, appearing as helpless witnesses of massacres and atrocities. Nevertheless, since 1999, "protection of civilians" went through an institutional expansion and normalization within the UN, both in doctrine and practice. The Security Council and the Secretariat raised it as the priority task of peace operations, and engaged in a critical development of the concept of protection of civilians. The United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC, then MONUSCO), which has been the laboratory for practices of protection for the last 15 years, displayed a remarkable hyperactivity to protect people. Various specific tools and mechanisms were developed in order to strengthen the Mission capability to respond to protection needs. Similarly, UN peacekeepers proved that they could handle a large range of operational practices to protect civilians, from simple deterrent presence to offensive operations against armed groups. This thesis demonstrates the conceptual and practical evolutions that occurred, and clarifies the factors that influence the concrete implementation of this protection policy, now central to UN peacekeeping. It explores the institutional dynamics and the political dynamics that both delineate the outline of the practice of protection, and that can reduce or increase their efficiency. ; Les échecs des opérations de maintien de la paix de l'ONU au Rwanda et en Bosnie ont grandement entamé l'image des Casques bleus, impuissants face aux massacres et atrocités dont ils étaient témoins. Or depuis 1999, la « protection des civils » a connu une expansion et une normalisation institutionnelles au sein des Nations unies, tant dans la doctrine que dans les pratiques. En l'invoquant comme la tâche prioritaire des opérations de paix, le Conseil de sécurité et le Secrétariat se sont investis dans un développement ...

Global health professionals regularly conduct healthcare trainings, such as first aid courses, in disadvantaged communities across the world. Many of these communities lack healthcare infrastructure because of war and political conflict. The authors draw on their experience conducting a first aid course in South Sudan to provide a perspective on how healthcare trainings for people with no medical background can be used to bridge ethnic, political, and religious differences. They argue that a necessary step for turning a healthcare training into a vehicle for peacebuilding is to bring people from different communities to the same physical space to learn the course material together. Importantly, simply encouraging contact between communities is unlikely to improve intergroup relations and could be detrimental if the following features are not incorporated. Buy-in from respected community leaders is essential to ensure that training participants trust that their safety during the training sessions is not at risk. Trainers should also create a supportive environment by conferring equal status and respect on all trainees. Finally, hands-on training exercises allow for positive interactions between trainees from different groups, which in turn can challenge stereotypes and facilitate cross-group friendships. These features map onto social psychological principles that have been shown to improve intergroup relations and are consistent with lessons learned from peace through health initiatives in public health and medicine. By adopting peacebuilding features, healthcare trainings can serve their primary goal of medical education and provide the added benefit of strengthening social relations.

Indonesia is frequently mentioned as an emerging player in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping, but its role has been understudied compared to other emerging powers. Drawing on interviews with foreign and defence ministry officials, and independent analysts in Jakarta, as well as statements by Indonesian representatives in the UN and other forums, this article makes three arguments. First, although Indonesia has a long history of involvement in UN peacekeeping operations (PKOs), there has been a major change in policy in the last decade, with much greater importance attached to peacekeeping. Jakarta has set itself the goal of becoming a top ten troop contributing country with 4,000 personnel deployed by 2019. Second, although Indonesia retains a strong preference for traditional "blue helmet" missions mandated by the UN Security Council (UNSC), and based on principles of host country consent, impartiality and non-use of force, its views on peacekeeping are evolving. While Indonesia has concerns about aspects of the "new" peacekeeping agenda, such as Protection of Civilians and robust peace enforcement missions, in practice it has proved to be more pragmatic than some of its rhetoric might suggest. Third, although emerging powers are frequently portrayed as conservative, Indonesia has been an advocate for a more ambitious approach to peacekeeping in Southeast Asia. It was the first to argue for an ASEAN peacekeeping force and has supported the use of regional troops to monitor peace agreements. In sum, the Indonesian case supports some of the claims made about emerging powers and peace operations but challenges others, underlining the diversity of this group of states. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)

This lecture considers how Security Council authority and legitimacy gain traction through the deployment and development of normative provisions. I focus on the robust peacekeeping mandates in the UN Security Council Resolutions on the Protection of Civilians and on Women, Peace and Security to demonstrate how the Security Council's thematic resolutions are increasingly used to justify new modes of force. This raises questions regarding the ethics of a feminist project focused on supporting the women, peace and security framework that is increasingly co-opted into militarised peacekeeping. At the same time the Council's use of gender perspectives and the protection of civilians narrative is seemingly used to avoid scrutiny of its agenda and mandates, suggesting that the development of normative and thematic work requires greater scrutiny from critical and feminist actors.

Con la risoluzione 2272(2016) il Consiglio di sicurezza ha riconosciuto il potere del Segretario generale dell'ONU di rimpatriare interi contingenti partecipanti a operazioni di peacekeeping allo scopo di contrastare gli atti di abuso o sfruttamento sessuale posto in essere da peacekeepers. Il contributo analizza le caratteristiche e i limiti del potere del Segretario generale più sopra richiamato soffermandosi anche sulle interrelazioni tra responsabilità statale e delle Nazioni Unite.

African states have responded to the challenges of the post-Cold War international system mostly by collectively promoting subregional and continental-wide initiatives in conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Admittedly, the existence of many violent conflicts in Africa, as well as their 'domino' effects at thesub-regional level, contributed significantly to the growing desire for collective security systems and conflict management mechanisms. The broadening of the role and functions of African regional organisations to include responsibility for peacebuilding and conflict management generally adds credence to the efficacy of regional integration. Many issues, however, present themselves in the engagement of RECs with the peacebuilding process in Africa. Although primarily set up to promote economic integration, Africa's RECs have increasingly taken up a prominent role in conflict resolution and peace support operations, as evident in the recent peace processes in Burundi, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Cote d'Ivoire, Zimbabwe, Mali, Congo DRC, Sudan, and South Sudan, among others. In spite of the challenges they face, RECs are capable of playing important roles with regard to peace mediation, peacekeeping and peacebuilding.

Programme doctoral en Science politique, mention Relations internationales ; The failures of UN peacekeeping operations in Rwanda and Bosnia greatly eroded the aura of Blue helmets, appearing as helpless witnesses of massacres and atrocities. Nevertheless, since 1999, "protection of civilians" went through an institutional expansion and normalization within the UN, both in doctrine and practice. The Security Council and the Secretariat raised it as the priority task of peace operations, and engaged in a critical development of the concept of protection of civilians. The United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC, then MONUSCO), which has been the laboratory for practices of protection for the last 15 years, displayed a remarkable hyperactivity to protect people. Various specific tools and mechanisms were developed in order to strengthen the Mission capability to respond to protection needs. Similarly, UN peacekeepers proved that they could handle a large range of operational practices to protect civilians, from simple deterrent presence to offensive operations against armed groups. This thesis demonstrates the conceptual and practical evolutions that occurred, and clarifies the factors that influence the concrete implementation of this protection policy, now central to UN peacekeeping. It explores the institutional dynamics and the political dynamics that both delineate the outline of the practice of protection, and that can reduce or increase their efficiency. ; Les échecs des opérations de maintien de la paix de l'ONU au Rwanda et en Bosnie ont grandement entamé l'image des Casques bleus, impuissants face aux massacres et atrocités dont ils étaient témoins. Or depuis 1999, la « protection des civils » a connu une expansion et une normalisation institutionnelles au sein des Nations unies, tant dans la doctrine que dans les pratiques. En l'invoquant comme la tâche prioritaire des opérations de paix, le Conseil de sécurité et le Secrétariat se sont investis dans un développement essentiel du concept de protection des civils. De même, les activités des peacekeepers sur le terrain ont confirmé ces inflexions. La Mission des Nations unies en République démocratique du Congo (MONUC, puis MONUSCO), laboratoire des pratiques de protection depuis 15 ans, a démontré une hyperactivité remarquable pour protéger les populations. De nombreux outils et mécanismes spécifiques ont été développés pour renforcer les capacités de réponse aux besoins de protection, et les soldats de la paix ont démontré qu'ils pouvaient exploiter un pan immense de pratiques opérationnelles pour protéger les civils, de la simple présence dissuasive aux opérations offensives contre les groupes armés.Cette thèse démontre les évolutions conceptuelles et pratiques qui sont advenues et met en lumière les facteurs influençant la mise en œuvre concrète de cette politique de protection, désormais centrale dans le maintien de la paix de l'ONU. Elle explore la dynamique institutionnelle d'une part, et la dynamique politique d'autre part, dessinant toutes deux les contours des pratiques de protection, et pouvant tantôt réduire, tantôt accroître leur efficience.

This volume is a study that presents five paradigms of social sciences as logical progressive steps in the field of peace and conflict studies.It is written as a study that employs a constructivist pragamatist meta-theory that guides the assessment of the merits of different social science approaches to peace in a novel way, suggesting completely new ways of looking at peace and the theory of peace and war. It presents strong arguments as well as various scholarly positions arguing against their alternatives. As a pragmatist analysis of approaches to peace and conflict research this book poses the pertinent question "What should we know and consider as real in order to end wars?" and follows that question into the depths of philosophy of social sciences and theories of peace and conflict. Yet true to the ideals of pragmatism the theories presented in this book are kept in touch with praxis by presenting a variety of examples in which the theory materializes in conflict situations. If a theory cannot be related to real-life examples, it does not relate to real life itself and thus it is useless. And usefulness for the real-life problem of conflicts and violence is what this book is all about. Instead of considering relevance as one of the objectives of peace research, this research program serves praxis and nothing else. Pragmatism in this book takes off from the idea of classical pragmatists, Peirce, James and Dewey. However, the book updates the pragmatist meta-theoretical program by offering a constructivist twist to classical pragmatism. Knowledge, theories, concepts and paradigms will not only be assessed for their instrumental value for peace action. Instead, ideas are also assessed for the peacefulness of the realities they themselves constitute.

This article discusses the link between development and peacebuilding to analyze South Korean aid activities in North Korea in the context of the Korean conflict, where there are deep-rooted cycles of conflict episodes, and to explore the possibility of aid for peace on the Korean peninsula in the future. The Korean conflict is a large part of what makes South Korean aid to North Korea ineffective. For the past 20 years, South Korean aid to North Korea has fluctuated greatly, due to the context of the Korean conflict. The Korean conflict, once seemingly on the way to resolution, appears to have reverted to a time before the end of the Cold War. Many people in both the North and the South still see each other as the enemy. Most of the South Korean aid projects in North Korea have been suspended indefinitely and the fluctuation of aid to North Korea caused serious debates within South Korean society. At one point, the debates grew so heated that they were called the 'South-South conflict'. Building on the conceptual framework of conflict sensitive development and strategic peacebuilding, this article argues that, to overcome the current impasse, all stakeholders must better understand the context of the Korean conflict and the interaction between the context and themselves, and develop a comprehensive strategy together, to encompass the multiple issues raised by the Korean conflict, as strategic peacebuilding proposes. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais (Estudos da Paz e da Segurança), apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra, sob a orientação de Teresa de Almeida Cravo. ; Liberal peacebuilding, based on the ideology of liberal peace, became the hegemonic form of peace construction after the end of the Cold War. As performed by the United Nations (UN), liberal peacebuilding does not include endogenously developed answers to conflict in its formula for peace. The troubled relationship between the UN and the local has long been criticised by peace studies scholars, who have been exposing its hybrid character by recognising agency in local actors. My intention is to take these critiques further and draw attention to the importance of revealing the local understandings of peace that produced resistance to international intervention. For this, I suggest the integration by peace studies, of a new conceptual framework to deal with local epistemologies. The research question guiding this dissertation thus becomes: how can Boaventura de Sousa Santos' conceptual framework of the epistemologies of the South further the knowledge and practice of peacebuilding? The argument set out is that the liberal peace concept, as part of modern western thinking, constitutes an abyssal line, radically excluding all other forms of social, political and economic organisation found in post-conflict spaces that do not conform to liberal values. The epistemologies of the South are able to confront this hegemony through the practice of the sociologies of absences and emergences and the work of translation, which reveal local epistemologies. Integrating this framework into peace studies constitutes a conceptual advancement since it helps to explain different visions of peace, thereby contributing to a broader understanding of this concept and enriching peaces that are already known. Thus, the dissertation makes a twofold contribution: first, it constitutes an epistemological critique of the liberal peace as associated with modern Western thinking; second, it constitutes a conceptual contribution, since it explores different tools to investigate endogenous forms of peace. Its main goal is to inspire new research into peace and peace construction that follow the epistemologies of the South framework and thus help to deepen the understanding of these concepts.

peer-reviewed ; This thesis is concerned with how Irish peacekeeping policy and practice has evolved in response to the changing nature of international peacekeeping. It asks specific questions about how changes in international peacekeeping doctrine since the end of the Cold War have affected Irish peacekeeping policy and practice, and why, in the light of a more general disengagement by Western countries from peacekeeping, Ireland has continued to commit to a strong presence in international peacekeeping. The thesis explains what international peacekeeping is and describes the evolution of Irish peacekeeping policy and practice by reviewing the political and legislative changes in peacekeeping policy and the changing practices of peacekeeping by the Irish defence forces. In addition, four peacekeeping missions have been chosen as case studies; two of United Nations traditional peacekeeping missions and two of Regional Organisations peace-enforcement missions, namely, Lebanon, Côte d'Ivoire, Kosovo and Chad. The thesis will argue that Irish peacekeeping policy and practice has evolved slowly and has become a hybrid in which interpretation of enforcement mandates are conditioned by values and norms and organisational conventions which stretch back deeply into the force's history. This thesis will argue that this is a not weakness, but a strength. Irish foreign policy prioritises a well regulated international environment and to that end Ireland is committed to active participation in international peacekeeping. This reflects a strong belief among politicians that peacekeeping helps to consolidate Irish international standing. The Irish army has an institutional interest in participation in peace enforcement operations with United Nations and Regional Organisations; indeed without such engagements it would have been reduced long ago to a very limited domestic range of functions to do with internal security and ceremonial. However, United Nations peacekeeping operations remain the main function of the Irish ...

The transnational border justice movement in Arizona, U.S. and Sonora, MX is responding to violence and death. The U.S.-Mexico borderlands have become burial grounds; the remains of 2,908 persons have been found in Arizona since 2000 (Derechos Humanos, 2015). The border justice movement engages in many different activities to prevent this loss of life. Activists on both sides of the border offer humanitarian aid, protest border and policing policies, and develop advocacy efforts on the militarized U.S.-Mexico border. This ethnographic research in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands is born from the peacebuilding experiences of the researcher and explores identities and peacebuilding in a transnational social movement and considers alternative narratives of the border justice movement from the perspectives of women, people of color, and members of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ) community. Drawing from diverse voices, this analysis fills in current gaps in social movement literature on transnational social activism in the Sonoran-Arizona border context. Furthermore, this scholarly endeavor illustrates how agency is shared among movement actors to build a more sustainable peace. This study creates new connections in the fields of Peace and Conflict Studies and social movements and draws attention to what is currently under-theorized in peacebuilding—how racialized and gendered power imbalances manifest and operate on multiple levels in peacebuilding activities. This research illustrates the constraints of racialized and gendered peacebuilding in transnational social activism at the U.S.-Mexico border while also highlighting the potential of using ritual and cross-border actors to strengthen peacebuilding efforts. ; October 2016

It is generally recognised that women should not only be included in peacebuilding but that they are also a peacebuilding resource. This recognition is evident in the agenda set out in the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (UNSCR 1325) and subsequent resolutions. Based on the knowledge that the gendered nature of armed conflict means women and men experience it differently, UNSCR 1325 calls for the need to include women and their gendered perspectives of conflict in matters of peace. However, less recognized are the roles of refugee women as actors in peacebuilding. This reflects the relative lack of focus on people affected by forced migration in general as peacebuilding actors. This thesis takes a qualitative case study approach to understanding how women contribute to peacebuilding in the context of forced migration. It looks specifically at the case of resettled refugee women from Myanmar in Norway. The case study finds that the women in the Norwegian-Myanmar diaspora included in the study demonstrate considerable potential to contribute to peacebuilding through their various transnational activities in the economic, social and political spheres, and which are particularly relevant to sustainable development and peacebuilding in Myanmar. ; M-DS