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The outspoken social reformer Mary Clare de Graffenreid (born 1849, died 1921) stood out among the handful of early women members of the American Economic Association (founded 1885) as the winner of two essay competitions. In 1889, Clare de Graffrenreid's essay shared the $100 first prize in an AEA essay competition on child labor, and appeared the following year in thePublications of the American Economic Association(1stseries, 5, 2, March 1890, pp. 194–271). In 1891 her essay "The Condition of Wage-Earning Women" (published inForum15, March 1893, pp. 68–82) won the $300 first prize in an AEA essay competition on women workers (the $200 second prize went to Helen Campbell's "Women Wage Earners," 1893). Her valedictory address at Wesleyan Female College in Macon, Georgia, in 1865 provided her first taste of public controversy, as the general commanding Union troops in the area responded by placing the college under guard and threatening to close it, but by far the most controversial of her twenty-seven publications was "The Georgia Cracker in the Cotton Mill" (Century Magazine, February 1891). This paper examines de Graffenreid's career and contributions, and what her career reveals about the paths for women to participate in the AEA and the American economics profession in the late nineteenth century. After teaching Latin, literature, and mathematics for a decade at Georgetown Female Seminary, de Graffenreid had a non-academic career as an investigator with the Bureau of Labor (from 1888, Department of Labor) from 1886 until she retired in 1906. Despite her AEA prizes, her published lectures to other conferences (YWCA, National Conference of Charities and Correction), and her published testimony to the Industrial Commission on the Relations of Capital and Labor, she was never on the program of an AEA meeting. Like other women economists of her time, de Graffenreid crossed boundaries between scholarly research and social reform, and between different scholarly disciplines (e.g., publishing "Some Social Economic Problems" inAmerican Journal of Sociology, 1896). The paper examines how essay competitions provided women such as de Graffenreid and Campbell (and Julie-Victoire Daubié and Clémence Royer in France) with a voice in the predominately male economics profession of the late nineteenth century.

Established on the initiative of Poland and Sweden, the Eastern Partnership encompasses six states located in the territory of the former USSR, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. The program was officially initiated in 2009 by offering its members such solutions as softening visa restrictions, the establishment of free trade zones and signing association agreements. One of the priorities of the Polish Presidency, the Eastern Partnership culminated in the summit held inWarsaw on September 29–30, 2011. While Poland sees this project as an opportunity for further enlargements, other member states are not unanimous about what character it should have. Should the Eastern Partnership constitute the eastern dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy, or just the advancement of democratic values without promising EU membership in return for their implementation. This influences the assessment of the Eastern Partnership upon its third year of operation, and of the activities of the Polish Government during the Presidency. Although cooperation between the EU and the countries of the Eastern Partnership was not significantly advanced, Donald Tusk's Government succeeded in maintaining the EU's interest in this topic among member states otherwise engrossed in the eurozone crisis. ; Established on the initiative of Poland and Sweden, the Eastern Partnership encompasses six states located in the territory of the former USSR, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. The program was officially initiated in 2009 by offering its members such solutions as softening visa restrictions, the establishment of free trade zones and signing association agreements. One of the priorities of the Polish Presidency, the Eastern Partnership culminated in the summit held inWarsaw on September 29–30, 2011. While Poland sees this project as an opportunity for further enlargements, other member states are not unanimous about what character it should have. Should the Eastern Partnership constitute the eastern dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy, or just the advancement of democratic values without promising EU membership in return for their implementation. This influences the assessment of the Eastern Partnership upon its third year of operation, and of the activities of the Polish Government during the Presidency. Although cooperation between the EU and the countries of the Eastern Partnership was not significantly advanced, Donald Tusk's Government succeeded in maintaining the EU's interest in this topic among member states otherwise engrossed in the eurozone crisis.

Este artículo pretende un breve análisis de la biopiratería experimentada y resistida por parte de los pueblos mayas de Chiapas. Para ello se da cuenta de acuerdos y normas internacionales para la protección de los recursos y conocimientos de los pueblos indígenas; las bases económicas y características, en los ámbitos mundial y nacional, que dan la pauta para la nueva ola de proyectos de bioprospección de los recursos vegetales de la medicina indígena tradicional, dirigida por los países del norte hacia los del sur; algunas experiencias de su implantación en Sudamérica y otros países subdesarrollados; se explican los elementos más importantes del proyecto de bioprospección denominado «Investigación farmacéutica y uso sustentable del conocimiento etnobotánico y biodiversidad en la Región Maya de Los Altos de Chiapas, México», que fue operado por parte de El Colegio de la Frontera Sur, Ecosur, la Universidad de Georgia —con apoyo económico del gobierno de Estados Unidos— y la compañía biotecnológica molecular Nature Limited de Gales, Reino Unido; por último, se describe la lucha que llevó a cabo el Consejo de Médicos y Parteras Indígenas Tradicionales de Chiapas, Compitch, para que fuera cancelado el mencionado proyecto, así como algunas propuestas alternativas de Compitch a este proyecto de biopiratería.
Palabras clave: , , .
ABSTRACTWith this paper i pretend to bring a brief analysis on how biopiracy has been experienced and manage by the Mayas of Chiapas. For this we have to mention agreements and international norms for the protection of the resources and knowledge of original people; economical background and its characteristics in the international and national level, which give the pattern for the new wave of bioprospective projects on vegetal resources used in indigenous medicine, directed from de north to the south countries; some experiences of it in South America and other undeveloped countries: the explanation of most relevant elements of the project ICBG-Maya, operated by El Colegio de la Frontera Sur, Ecosur, Georgia University —with the support of the government of the United States— and biotechnology laboratory Molecular Nature Limited form Whales, UK; in the last term we describe the struggle that the Consejo de Médicos y Parteras Indígenas Tradicionales de Chiapas, Compitch, to evict the project and some alternative proposals.

Katru dienu vairāki tūkstoši cilvēku dodas uz dažādām valstīm labākas dzīves meklējumos. Mūsdienās verdzība un cilvēku tirdzniecība atspoguļo nopietnus cilvēktiesību pārkāpumus. Tā ir problēma, kas ietver sociālos, politiskos un demogrāfiskos aspektus, dzimumu un etnisko noslāņošanos, organizēto transnacionālo noziedzību un cilvēktiesību pārkāpumus, un iesaista valsts un supranacionālas institūcijas, lai tās efektīvi cīnītos ar šīm problēmām. Maģistra darbā "Eiropas un starptautiskie standarti cilvēku tirdzniecības apkarošanai un to ietekme uz Gruzijas likumdošanu un praksi" tiek analizēti un salīdzināti starptautiskie, Eiropas un nacionālie likumdošanas akti cīņai pret cilvēku tirdzniecību. Darbs padziļināti pēta cilvēku tirdzniecību Gruzijā un apraksta Gruzijas cilvēku tirdzniecības apkarošanas mēģinājumus, un parāda starptautisko un Eiropas likumdošanas ietekmi šo problēmu apkarošanā. Darbs ir balstīts uz starptautisko, Eiropas un nacionālo likumdošanas aktu analīzi un intervijām ar ekspertiem cilvēku nelegālajā tirdzniecības jomā, veicot secinājumus un ieteikumus, lai uzlabotu nelegālās tirdzniecības problēmu Gruzijā. Darbā aprakstītie priekšlikumi ir balstīti uz ''grūd un velc'' jēdzienu (push and pull factors), izglītojot un informējot cilvēkus par cilvēku tirdzniecības draudiem un likumdošanas grozījumiem, kas cīņu pret cilvēku tirdzniecību padarītu efektīvāku. ; Every day several thousand of people are trafficked in different countries in searching better life. Modern day slavery, trafficking in human beings, presents a grave human rights violation. This is the problem, which covers social, political, and demographic aspects, as well as gender and ethnic stratification, transnational organized crime and human rights abuses, and the facility of states and supranational institutions effectively to deal with those issues. The paper" European and International Standards in Combating Human Trafficking and Its Influence on Georgian Legislation and Practice" presents a comparative legal analysis of international, European and national legal documents in combating trafficking in human beings. It focuses on the issue of trafficking in persons in Georgia and exploring Georgia's attempts to combat trafficking in human beings, and to highlight the influence of international and European standards on Georgian legislation and practice. Based on the international, European, and national legal documents, analysis, and interviews with experts in the sphere of fighting against trafficking in persons, this paper makes general conclusions and proposals to improve the trafficking situation and the problems facing Georgia specifically. These proposals focus mostly on the push and pull factors, improvements in statistics, increasing the level of education about combating human trafficking, and suggest changes to the law that would make it more effective.

SUMMARY:
The article addresses the nature of the recent so-called "color revolutions" in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan from the angle of gender. While widely interpreted as a second attempt of democratization and of accomplishing the post-Soviet nation building, color revolutions have another aspect. The political opposition in Ukraine, Georgia, and to some extent in Kyrgyzstan presented the revolutions as an "anti-corruption" project, aimed at transforming the "power of clans" and the informal institution of the presidential "Family" into a normal democratic system. From this point of view color revolutions were targeting the informal structures of family and (quasi-) kin relations, localism and clientalism in post-Soviet politics as main obstacles on the way to "Europe." Color revolutions would then be a project of liberal-democratic normalization of the post-Soviet gender order, which could restore the normative public-private divide by separating business from politics, and both of them from the family. The "Family" as an informal institution of capitalist accumulation, political decision-making, and redistribution of economic resources therefore needed to be transformed into the "nuclear family" of modern democratic politics or honest business. From this perspective, the political rivalry between Victor Yanukovich and Victor Yushchenko during the Ukrainian presidential elections in 2004 can be interpreted as a competition between two types of masculinity, as they were also represented in post-Soviet politics: an exaggerated post-Soviet masculinity on the one hand, and a "soft" European-style democracy on the other. By associating post-Soviet "strong masculinity" with the criminality of the ancien régime and with Yanukovich's criminal record, the political opposition legitimized the need for pro-European democratic reforms. Similar strategy was used by Yulia Tymoshenko: representations of her militant, strong femininity (which corresponds to some Ukrainian cultural archetypes) turned her into a "uncompromised anti-clan politician." Tymoshenko used her femininity to her advantage, allowing her to distance herself from the "dirty world of men's politics." As recent developments demonstrate, the promises of color revolutions, among them the separation of the "family" from politics, are not easy to fulfil. But even transformed from an informal institution of power into merely symbolic capital, the family remains the central metaphor and an important site of post-Soviet politics.

"The rainbow revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine drew inspiration from, and were oriented toward, Western values and norms. One of the most important objectives driving the new wave of post-Soviet transition has been the desire to join Euro- Atlantic structures. The goal of becoming an EU member is no longer limited to foreign policy declarations but forms a key component of the domestic reform agendas of these states. The unexpected dynamism of democratization and reform emerging from Eastern Europe has put pressure on Western policymakers to develop solutions that go beyond the agenda of an EU enlargement limited to 27 or 28 member states, partnership and cooperation with Russia, and a Neighborhood Policy driven by 'everything but institutions' (Romano Prodi). The French and Dutch rejections of the European Constitution appear to signal that the 'deepening' and 'widening' of the EU have reached their limits for the time being. The European Neighborhood Policy is an important step forward, but it is not sufficient to guide democratic developments in countries that desire a concrete prospect for EU membership, including Ukraine, Georgia, and in the future even Belarus. Ukraine's Orange Revolution once again demonstrated Putin's failure to influence the post-Soviet integration space through personal networks, direct pressure, and economic dependency. At the same time, Russia remains an important actor in Europe as a whole. For the first time, Russia and the EU face the common challenge of shaping overlapping integration spaces between Russia's old neighbourhood or 'near abroad' and the EU's new neighbourhood. Eastern Europe's 'return to Europe' has been driven by individual Eastern European states themselves, together with some of the new EU member states, such as Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia. But all of these efforts will be of limited relevance without support from Berlin. Focusing on Germany's potential role in elaborating and implementing a new Ostpolitik raises key analytical questions: What is Germany's potential impact on a new Ostpolitik, and what German interests and actors would be involved? In considering this new foreign policy agenda, one must focus on the current state of affairs as well as on the strategic concepts that will shape future policy. This paper examines the potential impact of German foreign policy toward Eastern Europe and provides a critical assessment of other national and international actors involved." (author's abstract)

In 2003, a stratified random sample survey was conducted in the Lao People's Democratic Republic (Laos) to study the availability and quality of antimalarials in the private sector. In 2012, this survey was repeated to allow a statistically valid analysis of change through time. The counterfeit detection device 3 (CD-3) was used to assess packaging quality in the field and HPLC and mass spectroscopy analysis chemical analysis performed. The availability of oral artesunate monotherapies had significantly decreased from 22.9% (22) of 96 outlets in southern Laos in 2003 to 4.8% (7) of 144 outlets in 2012 (P < 0.0001). All the samples collected in the 2012 survey contained the correct active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) in contrast to the 21 (84%) falsified artesunate samples found in the 2003 survey. Although none of the medicines found in 2012 survey had evidence for falsification, 25.4% (37) of the samples were outside the 90-110% pharmacopeial limits of the label claim, suggesting that they were substandard or degraded. Results obtained from this survey show that patients are still exposed to poorly manufactured drugs or to ineffective medicines such as chloroquine. The quality of artemisinin-based combination therapies (ACTs) used in Laos needs to be monitored, since falsified ACTs would have devastating consequences in public health. ; Fil: Tabernero, Patricia. Lao Oxford Mahosot Hospital; China ; Fil: Mayxay, Mayfong. University of Oxford; Reino Unido ; Fil: Culzoni, Maria Julia. Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Facultad de Bioquímica y Ciencias Biológicas; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Santa Fe; Argentina ; Fil: Dwivedi, Prabha. University Of Heath Sciences; China ; Fil: Swamidoss, Isabel. U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; Estados Unidos ; Fil: Allan, Elizabeth Louise. Georgia Institute of Techology; Estados Unidos ; Fil: Khanthavong, Maniphone. U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; Estados Unidos ; Fil: Phonlavong, Chindaphone. U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; Estados Unidos ; Fil: Vilayhong, Chantala. Centre of Malariology, Parasitology and Entomology; China ; Fil: Yeuchaixiong, Sengchanh. Centre of Malariology, Parasitology and Entomology; China ; Fil: Sichanh, Chanvilay. Bureau of Food and Drug Inspection; China ; Fil: Sengaloundeth, Sivong. Food and Drug Department; China ; Fil: Kaur, Harparkash. University of London; Reino Unido ; Fil: Fernandez, Facundo M. Georgia Institute of Techology; Estados Unidos ; Fil: Green, Michael D. National Center for Infectious Diseases; Estados Unidos ; Fil: Newton, Paul N. University of Oxford; Reino Unido

Discarding is considered globally among the most important issues for fisheries management. The recent reform of the Common Fisheries Policy establishes a landing obligation for the species which are subject to catch limits and, in the Mediterranean, for species which are subject to Minimum Conservation Reference Size (MCRS) as defined in Annex III to Regulation (EC) No 1967/2006. Additionally, several other initiatives aim to reduce unwanted catches of target and bycatch species, including species of conservation concern. This raises the need to study discarding patterns of (mainly) these species. In this work we collated a considerable amount of historical published information on discard ratios and lengths at discarding for species caught in EU Mediterranean bottom trawl fisheries. The main aim was to summarize the available historical records and make them more accessible for scientific and managerial needs, as well as to try identifying patterns in discarding. We show discard ratios and lengths at which 50% of the individuals were discarded (L50) for 15 species (9 bony fishes, three crustacean decapods, and three elasmobranchs). Discard ratios were usually low for target species such as hake, red mullets and highly commercial shrimps and exemptions from the landing obligation under the de minimis rules could be sought in several cases. Discard ratios were usually higher for commercial bycatch species. Discarding is affected by a combination of factors and for a given species, especially for non-target ones, discards are likely to fluctuate within a fishery, across seasons, years, and regions. For most species considered, L50s were lower than the MCRS (when in place) and length at first maturity. L50s of target species, such as hake, were very small due to the existence of market demands for small sized individuals. However, for species of low demand, like horse mackerels, a higher retention size was observed, often exceeding MCRS. Lengths at discarding are affected by legal provisions, market demands but ...

The concept of "color revolutions" in the post-Soviet space remains popular among politicians and experts alike. However, Russia has not still developed a unified approach to the understanding of these processes. This article makes an attempt to analyze the triggers of the revolutions, as well as their results. The author also holds cross-temporal comparison, finding similarities in the policy of today's Russia and the counter-revolutionary policy of Nicholas I in the XIX century. In addition, the author gives his assessment of the possibility of such a scenario in Russia. ; Проблема «цветных революций» на постсоветском пространстве остается в центре внимания политиков и экспертов. Однако в России так и не сложилось единого подхода к пониманию этих процессов. В настоящей статье предпринимается попытка проанализировать причины переворотов, а также их результаты. Автор также проводит кросстемпоральное сравнение, находя схожие черты в политике России с контрреволюционной политикой Николая Первого в XIX веке. Кроме этого, автор дает свою оценку возможности развития подобного сценария в России.

Regarding the publication of Partridge's address and prospectus in local papers; has had no luck procuring students, the distance and the climate are imposing; lost property in the recent fire in the city. ; Transcription by Joseph Byrne. Transcriptions may be subject to error.