Suchergebnisse

Durant plusieurs décennies, un consensus général a uni la classe politique néerlandaise autour de la notion de société multiculturelle. Celle-ci est aujourd'hui largement mise en cause. Elle laisse place à une véritable fracture, opposant une opinion publique de plus en plus critique vis-à-vis de l'islam et de ses manifestations publiques – ce que traduit la poussée du populisme de droite – et une élite de gauche partiellement mobilisée autour de l'illusion du multiculturalisme.

Peculiarities of origin and evolution of parties "Samopomich Union" and "Civic Movement "Narodnyi Kontrol" have been analyzed. Place and functional significance of public organizations and mass media in their activity have been determined. Place of political mimicry in practical political activity has been outlined. Correspondence of both structures to classical party indicators and an "overall/electoral" party model has been proved. The author focuses on the causes of active appealing to populism by these parties.

InA Constitution of Many MindsCass Sunstein argues that the three major approaches to constitutional interpretation – Traditionalism, Populism and Cosmopolitanism – all rely on some variation of a 'many-minds' argument. Here we assess each of these claims through the lens of the Condorcet Jury Theorem. In regard to the first two approaches we explore the implications of sequential influence among courts (past and foreign, respectively). In regard to the Populist approach, we consider the influence of opinion leaders.

Richard Bensel's comment on my article "Populism, Paranoia, and the Politics of Free Silver" is, like all of his writing, thoughtful, careful, detailed, and well written. However, I find that I disagree with a number of Bensel's points. In this response I try to clarify areas of disagreement and point to several cases where I believe my argument has been slightly misconstrued, which is understandable given the length and complexity of the paper.

Economic growth and investment boom should not shadow the lack of institutional reforms, emerging fiscal populism as well as inefficiency of law enforcement system. The important forthcoming problem is the possibility of macroeconomic destabilization as a result of global depression. The current Russian economic policy is concentrated on stimulating economic growth (at any price) while it should now pay more attention to anti-cyclical measures. Another challenge for stability will come from inflation.

The paper deals with trends in Russian economic policy in 2006-2007, the period of transition from "reconstructive growth" (export and demand driven growth) to investment driven growth. Industrial policy, public-private partnership, and "institutes of development", financial policy and prospects of Stabilization fund are in the centre of the analysis. Among political issues the paper discusses risks and forms of populism in the elections year as well as economic dimension of the dabate on "sovereign democracy".

Based on the cultural criticism elaborated in the second half of the 20th century, this article analyzes two of the major Latin American theoretical discussions on community and politics, namely decolonialism and posthegemony. The main argument of this paper is that both currents need to be examined without losing sight of the weight of the unknowable. By comparing those two currents with Ernesto Laclau's definition of populism, we explain the possibilities and the limitations of the alternative political subjects sketched by both tendencies in order to replace the populist subject with a more democratic discourse practice. ; Partiendo del marco de la crítica cultural elaborada desde la segunda mitad del siglo xx, este artículo analiza dos de las principales discusiones teóricas latinoamericanas relacionadas con la comunidad y lo político, la decolonialidad y la poshegemonía. La principal hipótesis de este texto consiste en afirmar que ambas corrientes actuales deben ser confrontadas sin dejar de considerar el peso de un elemento incognoscible. Al compararlas con la definición de populismo planteada por Ernesto Laclau, se pretenden esbozar las posibilidades y las limitaciones de los sujetos políticos alternativos propuestos por ambas tendencias a la hora de reemplazar al sujeto populista en aras de una práctica político discursiva más democratizadora.

The growing influence of populists on the exercise of power in many European countries made it necessary to analyze populism also in the context of its relation to law and jurisprudence. Populism as an anti-liberal structure introduces a different view on many demoliberal legal institutions, including the key concept of the rule of law.
The first part of the article focuses on the concept of populism and its analysis to the extent that is justified by the chosen topic. Investigating the current scientific discourse allows the thesis that populism has a dualistic character. On the one hand, it can be seen as a set of ideas, based on specific "material" assumptions, but on the other hand, it is a specific modus operandi used to promote any ideology.
The second part of the article attempts to analyze the concept of the rule of law and focuses on its goals as well as the role it plays in the structue of liberal democracy. In this context, it should be noted that the meaning of the rule of law cannot be reduced solely to the principle that not only citizens, but also authority can act only within the limits of valid and binding law. For the rule of law — by clearly delineating the boundaries of power — also creates a broader context for the functioning of the system: specific "rules of the game" which define the way and rules of its functioning. In this sense, the rule of law is a key element of liberal democracy, which, although based on the power of the poeple, constitutes procedures and mechanisms that prevent its implementation to an unlimited extent.
The third part of the paper summarizes the theses indicated in previous parts. Among the basic ideological tenets of populists is the pursuit of institutional unlimited power of the people. However, such a belief is incompatible with the basic demoliberal assumption that all power and its functioning should be subject to a rigid procedural framework, the violation of which is unacceptable. would seem that the rule of law — which is, after all, the realization of those restrictions within the liberal democracy framework — will be rejected by populists in advance. However, the populists do not deny the necessity of the rule of law existing, but modify it in such a way that complies with their tenets. Populists emerge from the agonistic conviction that the rule of law in the demoliberal discourse — although presented as politicaly neutral — in fact served only the interests of the elites and the establishment. With populist views gaining real influence on power, the time comes for the rule of law to be an instrument in the hands of the people, serving only the realization of their free will in the greatest possible extent.

This article addresses the threat that the current frontlash-backlash dynamic represents for liberal democracy in a context of strong politicization of social life and overflow of institutional politics. The frontlash-backlash dialectic is inherent to the democratic process, however the prominence that in this new millennium have gained, on one side and the other of the frontlash-backlash scheme, the conflicts around the collective identity, the binary discursive forms of populism, and the challenge to the values and institutions on which it is based modern democracy, suggest that we are witnessing, in this second phase of modernity, a shift in the way in which this type of dynamic has been taking place. ; El presente artículo aborda la amenaza que para la democracia liberal representa la actual dinámica de acción-reacción [frontlash-backlash] en un contexto de fuerte politización de la vida social y desbordamiento de la política institucional. La dialéctica acción-reacción es consustancial al proceso democrático, pero el protagonismo que han cobrado en este nuevo milenio los conflictos en torno a la identidad colectiva, las formas expresivas binarias del populismo, y la impugnación de los valores e instituciones sobre los que se asienta la democracia moderna, a uno y otro lado de este binomio, sugieren que estamos siendo testigos, en esta segunda fase de la modernidad, de un desplazamiento en la forma en la cual habría venido teniendo lugar este tipo de dinámica.

The thesis studies the discursive construction of cognitive frames in the water sector in order to understand the dynamics of politicisation and depoliticisation in the water conflict in Barcelona between 2011 and 2020. The focus is placed on a particular type of politicisation at work in our case study: the populist politicisation. Using Critical Discourse Analysis as a method, the thesis will address the following research questions: (1) To what extent is the politicisation of water in Barcelona a populist one and to what extent does it challenge the water paradigm in the city? (2) How do private actors react to the politicisation of water in the city and why does it matter? (3) Is Circular Economy a de-politicised area in the interaction between the actors in conflict? At theoretical level, the work articulates a novel conceptual framework which critically combines the literatures on populism, politicisation, and construction of discursive coalitions to analyse the water conflict in Barcelona. At empirical level, this conceptual framework is used to correct the one-sidedness of existing studies on politicisation of water or "remunicipalisation" which focus mainly on the public actors and disregard to a great extent the reaction of private actors ; Aquesta tesi doctoral estudia la construcció discursiva de marcs cognitius en el sector de l'aigua per tal de comprendre la dinàmica de politització i despolitització de l'aigua a la ciutat de Barcelona entre el 2011 i el 2020. L'estudi de cas se centra en un tipus particular de politització: la política populista. Utilitzant el mètode denominat anàlisi crítica del discurs, la tesi aborda les següents preguntes d'investigació: (1) ¿En quina mesura el discurs de l'aigua a Barcelona en aquest període és populista i quins son els seus efectes polítics? (2) Com reaccionen els actors privats davant el canvi de política de l'aigua a la ciutat i quina importància té aquesta reacció? (3) És l'economia circular un àmbit despolititzat en la interacció entre els actors en ...

This paper draws on a rich set of electoral surveys to explore the changing relationship between party support and electoral socioeconomic cleavages in Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden from the mid-twentieth century until the present. All five countries have experienced a progressive decline in their strong class cleavages, which coincides with the emergence of multi-elite party systems, in line with most Western democracies. While in the 1950s-1960s the lowest-educated and lowest-income voters were more leftwing, since the 1970s-1980s the vote for the left has gradually become associated with the highest-educated voters, who have drifted apart from the more right-wing economic elites. We also investigate how this transformation relates to the success of populism and nationalism over the recent decades among the lowest-educated and lowest-income earners. Despite historical, cultural, and political links, the transition of Nordic countries towards a multi-elite party system has happened at different speeds, offering interesting insights on the specificities of the national trajectories.

Abstract. An easy way of observing and predicting changes in the structure and behavior of any free-market economy is to track changes in its circular flow model of economic activity. Using book titles as a literature review in combinations with a few classics, I describe how the circular flows of free -market economies evolved from little, gentle, and now nearly powerless government role, culminating in super-duper capitalism. First the evolution generated great wealth and income, and of late also increasing inequality. Processes like globalization that allowed for economic convergence also spurred enormous tensions. The resulting stresses and strains are responsible for unpopular populism and nationalism. The doughnut economic model provides a reasonable framework for explaining what we observe. It shows a decline in the social foundations of human rights, made worse by breaches in the "planetary boundaries" both of which squeeze the livable space ever more tightly like a boa-constrictor suffocating its prey. In this paper I do not go as far as measuring my observations, but the directions for policy and future research have clearly been established. Regarding the latter, one may want to examine how COVID19 has shocked into scurrying towards a delusion of a system that was already slouching towards an illusion. It turns out that the illusion is not a new prediction. In his critique of Marx and rationalization of Kondratieff's waves (K-waves) Schumpeter predicted that capitalism as an innovation is not immune to the "gale of creative destruction."Keywords. Circular flow model, Doughnut economic model, Social foundations of human rights, Inclusive and sustainable development, Planetary limits, Unpopular populism, Super-duper capitalism.JEL. O47, O33, E19, Z0.

Although the rise of localism in Hong Kong has generated a large body of literature, an overarching definition of this new political force is still lacking. Based on analyses of organisations' documents, media reports and interviews with activists, this article argues that localist groups can be defined as groups that share a combination of three core ideological features: regionalism, radicalism and populism, and an origin in centre–peripheral conflicts between mainland China and Hong Kong. Given this definition, localism can be conceptualised as a kind of "populist radical regionalism". The implications of this definition will be discussed in this article. (China/GIGA)

Intro -- Contents -- 1: Introduction -- Bibliography -- 2: Democracy with an 'E' -- Introduction -- Democracy: A Brief History -- Modern Democracy -- Current Issues Facing Democracy -- Making a Path for Cyberdemocracy -- The Rise of the Platform Society -- Bibliography -- 3: The Enlightenment and Beyond -- Introduction -- The Enlightenment -- Enlightenment Rationalism and the Rise of Capitalism -- Questions of Subjectivity in the Enlightenment and Beyond -- Questions of Representation in the Enlightenment and Beyond -- Bibliography -- 4: Representative Democracy and Crisis -- The Decline of Representative Democracy -- Modern Democracy and Its Shortcomings: A Survey of Data and Recent Scholarship -- Globalism, Populism, Representative Democracy, and Government -- The Decline of the Nation-State (Die postnationale Konstellation) -- Bibliography -- 5: The Public Sphere and Global Capital -- Deliberation -- Reconsideration of the Public Sphere (Institutions of Democracy) -- Legitimation Crisis: Declining Confidence in Institutions and Leadership -- Neoliberalism: Against Democracy and Equality -- Cyberdemocracy: Addressing the Institutional and Political Vacuum Created by Neoliberalism -- Bibliography -- 6: Deliberative Democracy -- The Imminent Decline of Representative Democracy: Myth or Reality? -- Can Representative Democracy Be Participatory and Deliberative? -- Liquid Democracy and the Global Village -- Bibliography -- 7: Theorising the Cyberdemocratic Terrain -- Is Deliberative Mass Participation in the Political Sphere Possible Under Capitalism? -- Democracy Transformed: Cyberdemocracy as the Fourth Democratic Transformation -- Barriers to Cyberdemocracy -- Technological Determinism: Crisis of Legitimation and Cyberdemocracy -- Transforming the Ecology of Mobilisations (Extremism, Populism, Post-Truth) -- Bibliography.

1. Agriculture, Environment and Development: International Perspectives and a Critical Agenda of Investigation -- 2. Prolegomenon: Money and Territory -- 3. Disruptive Governance in the UK Food System and the Case of Wales -- 4. Back to the Past: Authoritarian Populism, Disruptive Governance and Policy Dismantling in Rural Brazil -- 5. Contested Landscapes: Territorial Conflicts and the Production of Different Ruralities in Brazil -- 6. Land Inequality in Brazil: Conflicts and Violence in the Countryside -- 7. The Agrarian Question and the Rural Development Paths in the Periphery of Argentina: Past and Present in the Territorialisation of Peasantry in Santiago del Estero -- 8. The Empty Food Bowl: Discourse Disconnection of Australian Agriculture -- 9. Say Agribusiness but Mean Genocide: Grabbing the Guarani-Kaiowa World -- 10. Land and Food Access in the context of Climate Change: Implications to Rural Development in Mozambique -- 11. Accumulation by Land Rent and Territorial Disputes in a Brazilian Agricultural Frontier -- 12. Dispossession and Agricultural Commodities: The Case of Oil Palm Farming in the Brazilian Amazon -- 13. Three Pillars of the Global Governance of Coffee Production -- 14. (De)institutionalising Agroecology: A Historical-Relational-Interactive Perspective on the Evolution of Brazil's Agri-Environmental State -- 15. Decolonial and Feminist Approaches to Critical Food Systems Education -- 16. Territorial Resistance and Peasant Food Systems in Brazil -- 17. The Difficult but not Impossible Defeating of Right-wing Populism and the Exploration of a Socialist Future. .