This book studies party leaders from selection to post-presidency. Based on data covering a large set of Western countries, and focusing on the trends of personalisation of politics, the volume is one of the first empirical investigations into how party leaders are elected, how long they stay in office, and whether they enter and guide democratic governments. It also provides novel data on how leaders end their career in a broad and diverse range of business activities. Topics covered include political leaders' increasing autonomy, their reinforcement of popular legitimation, often through the introduction of direct election by party rank and file, and their grip on party organization. The book will appeal to students and scholars interested in political parties, political leadership, the transformation of democracy, and comparative politics
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This article offers a reassessment of British fascist politics during the 1930s by shifting the empirical focus away from area studies and investigations of policy and ideology to the reading of the movement's visual culture, its relations with the media, and its development of a distinctive material culture and innovative political technologies. It seeks to place the BUF within its own national and metropolitan context by adopting an approach informed by cultural history to extremist politics in the 1930s. Critical discourses about British fascism appropriated the language of popular culture to describe and understand the phenomenon of the BUF. The movement was clearly not to be understood only as the next phase in the history of party formation, and thus the language of high politics was either inappropriate or insufficient to conceptualize the movement. Instead, the BUF seemed to represent a merger between a politics of provocation and the new lexicon of cinema and celebrity, a protean movement that blurred the lines between high politics and popular culture. Mosley was described as a dog track promoter, a pantomime character and a swash-buckling movie star. His meetings rivalled the cinema, and his followers were figured as 'fans'. This examination of the BUF's cultural production and cultural responses to the movement invites us to problematize the easy dichotomy between left-wing modernism and extreme-right anti-modernism, and to ponder whether the BUF represented political innovation despite political failure.
AbstractThe issues of State and diplomatic immunity in cases involving persons employed by foreign States in embassies or consulates or engaged directly by diplomats remain controversial. The focus of this article is on recent developments in European law, in particular under the European Convention on Human Rights, the Brussels I Regulation and the Charter of the European Union, the effect of which has been to enhance the rights of employees of foreign States. Analysis is also made of the United Nations Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and their Property and the current domestic practice of States with the aim of identifying the present international law standard on State immunity and embassy and consular employment. Employees of diplomats, however, remain inadequately protected and this article considers possible strategies for improving their position.
"Challenging the conventional processes of conceptualising the European Union as an actor, this study provides a timely and in-depth analysis of EU-ASEAN relations which contests the use of power as the basis of such conceptualisations. It assesses the EU's actorness by analysing its attempts to promote its regionalism experience to ASEAN. Three aspects of regionalism - economic integration, institutionalisation and political norms - are analysed using data collected from officials and researchers connected to these regions. In doing so, this compelling volume shows that the effectiveness of the EU's aim to diffuse these norms is predominantly determined both by ASEAN's perception of the EU as an actor and its consideration of the EU's regionalism experience as relevant to ASEAN"--
As 1992 approaches, European executives are taking a more critical view of the organisational restructuring which will be necessary in many European enterprises. The four main areas which will have an effect on the European business environment are: (1) a "free market" in standards, (2) elimination of border restrictions, (3) new competition in public procurement, and (4) moves towards financial integration. In response four broad managerial guidelines emerge and are discussed in detail: (1) rethink European strategy, (2) examine and implement restructuring opportunities, (3) build Europe‐wide management, and (4) increase political sensitivity and action capability.
The development of modern Ukraine as a legal, democratic, socially oriented state and the creation of a civil society is organically linked with the reform of the education system on a humanistic basis, the definition of a new strategy for education as a multicomponent and multi-vector system, which greatly shapes the future development of the Ukrainian state.At the current stage of Ukraine's development, the lack of civic consciousness of school youth, lack of awareness of the foundations of democratic citizenship, the importance and effectiveness of human rights institutions, the rule of law, and the role of youth in these processes are acutely felt. An important role is played by the question of the formation of a citizen, his civic culture, education in the legal, social and political fields. The problem of preserving the national pride and strengthening the patriotic sentiment of the student youth is acute.The purpose of the article is to consider the relevant domestic pedagogical experience and experience of leading democratic countries, in particular the European Union countries, about the effective process of forming the citizenship of a student as a civil society actress, a citizen-patriot of Ukraine, acting on the basis of national and European values. ; У статті аналізується проблема формування громадянськості учнів. Мотивується необхідність збереження почуття національної гордості, посилення патріотичних настроїв учнівської молоді, формування громадянина, освіченого у правовому, суспільному та політичному полі. Характеризуються основні виховні напрями країн Європейського союзу, з якими Україна має стійкі взаємостосунки і партнерські відносини. Категорія «громадянськість» конкретизується у педагогічному і соціально-педагогічному аспектах.
The development of modern Ukraine as a legal, democratic, socially oriented state and the creation of a civil society is organically linked with the reform of the education system on a humanistic basis, the definition of a new strategy for education as a multicomponent and multi-vector system, which greatly shapes the future development of the Ukrainian state.At the current stage of Ukraine's development, the lack of civic consciousness of school youth, lack of awareness of the foundations of democratic citizenship, the importance and effectiveness of human rights institutions, the rule of law, and the role of youth in these processes are acutely felt. An important role is played by the question of the formation of a citizen, his civic culture, education in the legal, social and political fields. The problem of preserving the national pride and strengthening the patriotic sentiment of the student youth is acute.The purpose of the article is to consider the relevant domestic pedagogical experience and experience of leading democratic countries, in particular the European Union countries, about the effective process of forming the citizenship of a student as a civil society actress, a citizen-patriot of Ukraine, acting on the basis of national and European values. ; У статті аналізується проблема формування громадянськості учнів. Мотивується необхідність збереження почуття національної гордості, посилення патріотичних настроїв учнівської молоді, формування громадянина, освіченого у правовому, суспільному та політичному полі. Характеризуються основні виховні напрями країн Європейського союзу, з якими Україна має стійкі взаємостосунки і партнерські відносини. Категорія «громадянськість» конкретизується у педагогічному і соціально-педагогічному аспектах.
Water management has an important role to play in the circular economy transition, through the water treatment and reuse. Its optimal and coherent regulation is also of vital common interest, since water knows no borders or lines artificially set out by the States and the dramatic overconsumption and pollution of freshwater are threatening irreparable damage to the world's ecosystems. However, States are reluctant to common regulations, which would have important economic impacts. International and regional organizations face with the fundamental principle of permanent sovereignty of States over natural resources. By analysing the European environmental competence, this study examines the role of Union water law in green economic transition. By investigating the interdependent relationships between the several elements of the water management, the essay suggests that territory use and economic town and country planning would be drawn into the scope of Treaties because of the integrated nature of water services. The case of water reuse illustrates limits and perspectives of the European objective to promote rational utilization of natural resources and combat climate change, introducing the idea according to which freshwater is a European res communis on which the sovereign right of European Union Member States over their own natural resources could be lawfully limited.
In Turkey, the development of a labour movement under relatively independent circumstances was not allowed historically, and supervision via legislation has regulated the union rights within narrow patterns. For this reason, in order to assess the development of the labour movement in Turkey, the essential characteristics of the political culture must be taken into consideration in addition to the objective conditions of the economy and the efforts to be articulated to international capitalism. Yet, the regulations in force are far behind the international norms which, in fact, do not threaten global capitalism. Constitutional regulations neglect the political function of trade unions and restrict the right to establish trade unions by a series of abstract security concerns. Public officials are excluded from the right to strike and the strikes are limited by the conflict of interests. Furthermore, the Government authority on strike postponement is reduced to a ban on strikes by means of mandatory arbitration regulations which are under Constitutional guarantee. ; Istoriškai susiklostė, kad Turkijos profsąjungų judėjimas niekada nesiformavo laisvai, o teisinis judėjimo reguliavimas spraudė profsąjungų teises į siaurus rėmus. Todėl, norint įvertinti Turkijos profesinių sąjungų judėjimą be objektyvių ūkio sąlygų apžvalgos ir be siekio įsilieti į tarptautinę kapitalistinę aplinką, būtina atsižvelgti ir į politinę kultūrą. Deja, galiojantys potvarkiai labai toli atsilieka nuo tarptautinių normų, kurios, iš esmės, nekelia grėsmės pasauliniam kapitalizmui. Konstituciniai straipsniai ignoruoja profesinių sąjungų politines funkcijas ir riboja profesinių sąjungų kūrimą dėl daugelio bendrų saugumo reikalavimų. Valstybės pareigūnams draudžiama streikuoti, o teisė streikuoti ribojama interesų konflikto prielaida. Be to, vyriausybės teisė atidėti streikus yra susiaurinta iki streikų draudimo ir privalomai vykdomų arbitražo potvarkių, kuriuos garantuoja Konstitucija. Lyginant su Europos standartais, ypač netobula valstybės tarnautojų kolektyvinės sutarties teisė, nes į ją neįtraukiama teisė streikuoti ir matomas didelis neatitikimas tarptautiniams teisminiams sprendimams. Turkiją daug kartų kritikavo Europos Žmogaus Teisių Teismas (EŽTT) dėl profesinių teisių valstybės pareigūnams apribojimo ir dėl draudimo streikuoti. Turkijos vyriausybės gynyba EŽTT remiasi Europos Socialinės Chartijos (Pataisytos Chartijos 5 ir 6 straipsniai) ir Tarptautinės darbo organizacijos (TDO) konvencijų Nr. 87 ir 151 nuostatomis, kad valstybės neprivalo pripažinti teisės streikuoti. Atsižvelgiant į tai, kad TDO sprendimai neprivalomi, teigiama, kad valstybė nėra atsakinga už neratifikuotus sprendimus. Be to, Turkijos vyriausybė akcentuoja valstybės pareigūnų situaciją teisėtvarkos požiūriu ir tai, kad jų veikla tvarkoma atskiru ir gana detaliu aprašu. Tačiau, oponentai teigia, kad Pataisytos Europos Socialinės Chartijos nuostatos neatleidžia Turkijos vyriausybės nuo teisių aptariamų šioje diskusijoje garantijos. Kadangi šios teisės aptariamos ir pirmame Chartijos skyriuje, dėl kurio sutarė visos šalys. Oponentai teigia, kad valstybės atsakingos teisiškai už profesinių sąjungų veiklos ribojimų anuliavimą savo valstybinėje teisėje.
Entwicklungslinien, Kompetenznormen und aktuelle Handlungsfelder der Europäischen Union im Bereich der Medien. Welche Kompetenzen besitzt die Europäische Union im Bereich der Medien? In Zeiten zunehmender Tätigkeit transnationaler Medienkonzerne sowie dem Aufkommen neuartiger medialer Erscheinungsformen, die eine europäische Antwort auf Regulierungsfragen zu erfordern scheinen, ist diese Frage von hoher Aktualität.Ausgehend von dem Befund, dass eine genuin auf die Medien bezogene Spezialermächtigung in den europäischen Verträgen fehlt, die Medien dort aber als implizites Querschnittsziel enthalten sind, werden die der Europäischen Union zustehenden Kompetenznormen auf ihren normativen Gehalt untersucht. Diese Untersuchung wird sodann auf vier aktuelle Handlungsfelder angewandt. Dazu zählen das Europäische Medienkonzentrationsrecht, Detailfragen der Regulierung von Suchmaschinen, die Berücksichtigung von Medienvielfalt im europäischen Wettbewerbsrecht sowie die Staatsferne des Rundfunks
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