Suchergebnisse

Purpose: Globally, amblyopia remains a common cause of visual impairment in children. Early screening and treatment is necessary to prevent permanent visual loss. This study aimed to evaluate the prevalence, etiologic factors, and characteristics of amblyopia among rural, public primary school children in Ijebu East Local Government Area (IELGA) of Ogun state, southwest Nigeria.Materials and Methods: The study was a cross-sectional descriptive study conducted among pupils of randomly selected public primary schools in IELGA from 27th October to 7th November 2014. Data on sociodemographics, ocular history, and ocular examination were collected. Descriptive and comparative analyses were performed. Values of P 0.05 were considered statistically significant.Results: There were 1180 public primary school pupils enrolled for the study. The data of 1153 pupils were analyzed giving a 97.7% response rate. The mean age was 9.2 ± 2.8 years with age range from 4 years to 16 years. There were more female students (586; 50.8%) with a male-to-female ratio of 1:1.03. Majority of the pupils were from the Yoruba ethnic group (819; 71.0%) and from basic one academic class (236; 20.5%). Six of the examined pupils were found to have amblyopia, giving a prevalence of 0.5%. The following three types of amblyopia were seen in this study: anisometric amblyopia (2; 0.17%), ametropic amblyopia (2; 0.17%), and strabismic amblyopia (2; 0.17%). Three pupils had unilateral amblyopia while three had bilateral amblyopia. All amblyopias were classified as mild-to-moderate amblyopia.Conclusion: The prevalence of amblyopia among these rural school children was low. However, because children with amblyopia could have a lifetime of blindness ahead of them, the number of "blind person years" in those whose blindness started in childhood is enormous. Early screening is required to prevent the attendant consequences of socioeconomic burden following visual impairment in this vulnerable subsection of the Nigerian rural populace.Keywords: Amblyopia, children, nigeria, rural, visual impairment

RESUMO: Schizophrenia's burden defines experience of family members and is associated with high level of distress. Courtesy stigma, a distress concept, worsens caregivers' burden of care and impacts on schizophrenia. Expressed emotion (EE), another family variable, impacts on schizophrenia. However, relationship between EE, burden of care and stigma has been little explored in western literature but not in sub-Saharan Africa particularly Nigeria. This study explored the impact of burden of care and courtesy stigma on EE among caregivers of persons with schizophrenia in urban and semi-urban settings in Nigeria. Fifty caregivers each from semi-urban and urban areas completed a socio-demographic schedule, family questionnaire, burden interview schedule and perceived devaluation and discrimination scale. The caregivers had a mean age of 42 (± 15.6) years. Majority were females (57%), married (49%), from Yoruba ethnic group (68%), monogamous family (73%) and Christians (82%). A higher proportion of the whole sample (53%) had tertiary education. Three out of ten were sole caregivers. Seventy three (73%) lived with the person they cared for. The average number of hours spent per week by a caregiver with a person with schizophrenia was 35 hours. The urban sample had significantly higher proportion of carers with high global expressed emotion (72.7%) than the semi-urban sample (27.3%). The odds of a caregiver in an urban setting exhibiting high expressed emotion are 4.202 times higher than the odds of caregiver in a semi-urban setting. Additionally, there was significance difference between the urban and semi-urban caregivers in discrimination dimension. High levels of subjective and objective burden were associated with high levels of critical comments. In conclusion, this study is the first demonstration of urban-semi-urban difference in expressed emotion in an African country and its findings provide further support to hypothesized relationship between components of EE and burden of care.

From colonial times and during centuries of Spanish domination, the Catholic Church was very present in the social, economic, cultural and political life of Cuba, almost always alongside the power exercised by the government of the metropolis and by the landowners, both Spaniards as Creoles. The triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959 marked a clear turning point in the non-conflict-free relations between the Cuban revolutionary government and the hierarchy of the Catholic Church, since the latter lost privileges and influence. Despite the religious education of the brothers Fidel and Raúl Castro, the strengthening of the socialist character of the revolution made the role that the Catholic religion played during the colonial period and also during the republican period after the country's independence unsustainable. Although the Cuban State is formally secular and non-denominational, the Cuban people have manifested their religiosity in various ways, either by following the Catholic precepts or by a religious syncretism with the Yoruba beliefs carried by African slaves. In recent times, there have been three papal visits to Cuba that have helped normalize relations between the island and the Vatican in some way. The future of these relationships remains a mystery. ; Desde los tiempos coloniales y durante los siglos de dominación española, la Iglesia Católica estuvo muy presente en la vida social, económica, cultural y política de Cuba, casi siempre al lado del poder ejercido por el gobierno de la metrópoli y por los terratenientes, tanto españoles como criollos. El triunfo de la Revolución Cubana en 1959 marcó un claro punto de inflexión en las relaciones, no exentas de conflictos, entre el gobierno revolucionario cubano y la jerarquía de la iglesia católica, pues esta última perdió privilegios e influencia. Pese a la educación religiosa de los hermanos Fidel y Raúl Castro, el afianzamiento del carácter socialista de la revolución hacía insostenible el papel que la religión católica había desempeñado durante la ...

The discussants of my book The Concept of Liberal Democratic Law (CLDL) in this issue of Ethics & Politics raise many important and challenging questions about key aspects of the book to which I respond as carefully as I can. My responses to all the questions raised ultimately converge, I believe, on the question of liberal democracy's relation to its own historicity, a historicity to which I eventually come to refer as "the event of existence." This question emerges from an engagement with the thoughts of especially John Rawls and Maurice Merleau-Ponty. Rawls and Merleau-Ponty are of course not often discussed together, but the combination of questions raised by several of the discussants expressly invite me to do so. In the endeavour to respond to these questions coherently (the endeavour to bring these questions together), I believe I managed to construct an elementary but "not-so-rickety bridge" between Rawls and Merleau-Ponty that offers one a unique point of access to the question of liberal democracy's relation to its own historicity.

The Temple Hymns by Enheduanna, high priestess of Sumer Moon god Nanna in Ur and daughter of king Sargon of Akkad (2334-2279 BCE), consist of 42 hymns that praise the significant temples of the Mesopotamian cities and their deities. By their writing the goal of uniting the Sumer-Akkad pantheon was set as a part of the wider political task of uniting the Sumerian and Akkadian peoples set by Sargon of Akkad. Numerical patterns in the structure of the hymns are studied in the present paper, with special attention to the number of the lines in each hymns as stated in the colophons. It is demonstrated that the sum of the lines of all hymns is an exact multiple of 100 whereas the sums of the number of lines in both first and second halves of the hymns and several of their subsets make exact multiples of 50 and 10 respectively. A hypothesis is proposed for the deliberate choice of these exact numbers by the author of the hymns and their considerable achievement in the poetic structure of the hymns, as well as achieving the set goal, among other means, by the means of quantitative poetic structure of the hymns. ; «Храмовые гимны» Энхедуанны, верховной жрицы шумерского бога луны Нанны в городе Ур и дочери царя Саргона I Аккадского (2334–2279 до н. э.), состоят из 42 гимнов, воспевающих значительные храмы городов Месопотамии и их божества. Целью их написания было объединение шумеро-аккадского пантеона как часть более широкой политической задачи объединения шумерского и аккадского народов, поставленной Саргоном I. В статье изучаются численные закономерности структуры гимнов, а именно количества строк, подсчитанные в колофонах. Демонстрируется, что сумма строк всех гимнов кратна 100, а суммы их половинного числа и ряда подмножеств образуют числа, кратные 50 и 10 со- ответственно. Выдвигается гипотеза о намеренном выборе таких чисел автором гимнов и намеренной реализации данной поэтической структуры в единой совокупности текстов, а также о том, что поставленная задача решалась в том числе и средствами организации поэтической структуры гимнов.

John Milton is outlier among poets of the seventeenth century in his extensive recourse to details of his personal life, which are made integral part, covertly or explicitly, of his many works. From the early "Nativity Ode" onwards we can identify confessional passages in many of his poems that can be read autobiographically. What draws our attention to Milton's case is that it also prefigures a major cultural and political revolution, in which the legitimacy of the individual consciousness was revalued. The main aim of this article is to explore specific moments in Milton's oeuvre in which the autobiographical vein comes into sharp focus. Differently from his more mature work, in which he does not waver in confidence, in the earlier writings we can spot the doubts and anxieties of an apprentice poet of unbounded aspiration. ; John Milton é outlier entre os poetas do século XVII em seu extenso recurso a detalhes de sua vida pessoal, que são parte integrante, encoberta ou explicitamente, de suas muitas obras. Desde o início da "Ode Natividade" em diante, podemos identificar passagens confessionais em muitos de seus poemas que podem ser lidos autobiografica- mente. O que chama a atenção para o caso de Milton é que ele também prefigura uma importante revolução cultural e política, na qual a legitimidade da consciência individual foi reavaliada. O objetivo principal deste artigo é explorar momentos específicos na obra de Milton, em que a veia autobiográfica entra em foco. Diferentemente de seu trabalho mais maduro, no qual ele não vacila em confiança, nos escritos anteriores podemos identificar as dúvidas e ansiedades de um aprendiz de poeta de aspiração sem limites.

Este artículo examina la campaña de comunicación que envolvió el asesinato de la figura política más poderosa de la Inglaterra de mediados del siglo XV, William de la Pole, duque de Suffolk. Primero un héroe de guerra, Suffolk se volvió impopular cuando los ingleses sufrieron una derrota militar en Francia y perdieron Normandía en 1449, un desastre por el que fue particularmente y ampliamente culpado. Fue encausado por el Parlamento, sólo salvado y enviado al exilio por Enrique VI. En su camino al continente su barco fue interceptado por otro llamado Nicholas of the Tower y fue decapitado por los marineros en nombre de la justicia popular. Aquí se examinan los versos y carteles políticos que se pusieron en circulación antes de su asesinato, que satirizaban y arremetían contra el papel del duque en el vacilante gobierno de Enrique VI en las vísperas de la Guerra de las Dos Rosas. La campaña de carteles alentó deliberadamente la caída del duque y su posterior asesinato y, por tanto, Suffolk puede ser considerado la primera gran víctima del periodismo de prototabloides en Inglaterra, indicando la importancia tanto de la publicidad como de la opinión pública en la subsiguiente Guerra de las Dos Rosas. ; This essay examines the media campaign surrounding the sensational murder of the most powerful political figure in mid fifteenth-century England, William de la Pole, duke of Suffolk. Once a great war hero, Suffolk became unpopular when the English suffered military defeat in France and lost Normandy in 1449, a disaster for which Suffolk was singularly blamed by the public at large. He was impeached by parliament only to be saved and sent into exile by King Henry VI. On his journey to the continent his ship was intercepted by another called Nicholas of the Tower, and he was beheaded by the ship's sailors in the name of vigilante justice. This essay considers the political verses or bills put in circulation prior to Suffolk's murder which satirized and lambasted the duke's role in Henry VI's faltering government on the eve of the Wars of the Roses. The billposting campaign deliberately encouraged the duke's downfall and eventual murder, and so Suffolk might be considered the first great victim of proto-tabloid journalism in England, signaling the importance of both publicity and public opinion during the ensuing Wars of the Roses.

International audience ; Entre 1665 y 1700, de manera inversamente proporcional a la inexorable derrota del imperio español, el fasto y la ostentación constituyeron una marca de identidad en constante renovación, como si el lustro, el ruido, el destello, el verso, el elogio, en definitiva, pretendieran ocultar la sórdida realidad que ilustraba el rey Carlos II. En efecto, el último representante de la ilustre dinastía de los Habsburgo españoles había heredado un Estado en grave situación de crisis demográfica, económica, política y militar, como certeramente atinaban a subrayar ciertos testimonios de la época 1. Y a los temores generados por esta desfavorable coyuntura se añadían, con el nuevo monarca, los provocados por la delicada cuestión de su sucesión y la ausencia de una descendencia que pudiese perpetuar la dinastía austriaca. Situación ésta, además, tan generalmente percibida como irremediable que ya desde 1668 había dado lugar a distintos pactos que regían el reparto de las posesiones de la Monarquía española entre las naciones europeas tras la muerte del monarca. En este tenso contexto, no es de extrañar, pues, que el reinado del vástago del Rey Planeta fuese poco propicio a demostraciones de alegría y júbilo. Una de las escasas ocasiones que permitió despertar el sentimiento y orgullo patrios ocurrió con ocasión del suceso que protagonizó Carlos II el sábado 20 de enero de 1685, día de San Sebastián. Mientras regresaba de una partida de caza que había tenido lugar cerca de La Florida, en los alrededores de la villa y corte de Madrid, el monarca encontró en su camino a un sacerdote que transportaba el Santo Viático hacia la morada de un campesino moribundo, sita en Migas-Calientes. Se apresuró, entonces, el monarca español a bajar de su carroza para ofrecérsela al cura, a quien acompañó andando y con la cabeza descubierta hasta la humilde cabaña del aldeano, asistiendo después a la ceremonia de la extremaunción y al sacramento de la comunión. 1 Los embajadores venecianos destacan así el final de una ...