Suchergebnisse

THE AUTHOR STUDIES RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RECRUITMENT OF CONGRESSMEN AND EVOLUTION OF THE POWER STRUCTURE IN THE US HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FROM 1870 TO 1940. HE ARGUES THAT DURING LATE 19TH CENT. POLITICAL PARTY ORGANIZATIONS AT STATE & LOCAL LEVEL DOMINATED RECRUITMENT & CHOSE PARTY CAREERISTS AS CONGRESSMEN, WILLING TO ACCEPT DISCIPLINE OF INCREASINGLY POWERFUL SPEAKERS. THIS DECLINED 1910 TO 1940.

THE AUTHOR REVIEWS CRONIN'S (1974) DESCRIPTION OF THE "TEXTBOOK PRESIDENCY" AND THEN EXAMINES WHETHER THERE HAVE BEEN CHANGES IN UNIVERSITY TEXTBOOKS PUBLISHED IN THE POST "WATERGATE" YEARS. HE FINDS A REASSESSMENT OF PRESIDENTIAL POWER, INTER ALIA, AND A GREATER VARIETY OF TEXTBOOK VIEWS. THE NEW TEXTBOOK PRESIDENCY IS AN IMPROVEMENT, BUT LACK OF A RATIONALE FOR NORMATIVE DISCUSSION UNDERMINES CONCEPTIONS.

TO ASSIGN TO THE PRESIDENT RESPONSIBILITIES IN THE SPIRITUAL REALM SEEMS A CHALLENGE TO THE SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE PRINCIPAL, THE AUTHOR NOTES. HOWEVER, IN A GENERAL SENSE, ALL ORGANIZED POLITICAL SOCIETIES OPERATE FROM A RELIGIOUS BASE AND ALL POLITICAL LEADERSHIP HAS A RELIGIOUS DIMENSION. FROM THIS PERSPECTIVE, HE THEN PROBES EISENHOWER'S RECOGNITION OF RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF HIS OFFICE.

IN THIS GUEST EDITORIAL, THE AUTHOR NOTES THAT NEW TERMS CAN LEAD TO FRUITLESS OR TO FRUITFUL DISCUSSION. THE TERM "SUPPLY SIDE" HAS BECOME ASSOCIATED WITH POLITICS. IN ECONOMIC AFFAIRS THE QUESTION IS WHETHER DEMAND OF SUPPLY DETERMINES OUTPUT AND PRICE, AND THE ANSWER IS THAT BOTH OPERATE. BOTH DESERVE ATTENTION IN ECONOMIC ANALYSIS, BUSINESS AFFAIRS, AND PUBLIC POLICY.

THE AUTHOR SUBMITS THAT THE WIDESPREAD VIEW AMONG RADICAL SOCIAL SCIENTISTS THAT AGENCIES OF SOCIALIZATION IN AMERICA SUCH AS SCHOOLS DISSEMINATE THE VALUES OF THE RULING CLASS IS TENDENTIOUS & LARGELY FALSE. HE ANALYZES THE APPROACH OF RADICAL &/OR MARXIST ACADEMICS TO PRINCIPLES OF PLURALIST DEMOCRACY & TO PROFESSIONAL CONDUCT & SCHOLARLY INTEGRITY, & FINDS IT MAY SERIOUSLY UNDERMINE DEMOCRATIC VALUES.

INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS FREQUENTLY IS MADE IN ONE FIELD BY DRAWING ON EXPERIENCE OF ANOTHER FIELD, EVEN ONE THAT SEEMS REMOTE & UNRELATED. THE AUTHOR ILLUSTRATES THIS POINT BY INDICATING A FEW LESSONS & INSIGHTS PUBLIC POLICY ANALYSIS & MANAGEMENT MIGHT DERIVE FROM ITS VERY DISTANT COUSIN, THE FIELD OF MUSIC, FOCUSING ON 3 CLASSICAL PROBLEMS OF ORGANIZATIONAL MANAGEMENT: PRODUCTIVITY, COORDINATION, INNOVATION.

THE AUTHOR EXAMINES DECADAL COHORTS OF LEGISLATORS ELECTED TO THE 3RD FRENCH REPUBLIC'S CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES & COMPARES THEM WITH SIMILAR GROUPS OF THE US HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FOR THE PERIOD 1871-1940. FOCUS IS ON RELATIONSHIP OF REGIME STABILITY TO DEVELOPMENT OF LEGISLATIVE INSTITUTIONALIZATION, & SPECIFICALLY TO CAREERISM. GREATER INSTABILITY IN FRENCH CHAMBER SHOWN BY VARIATIONS IN ELECTORAL SYSTEMS.

DISSENT EXISTS IN THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA, JUST AS IT DOES IN THE WEST & IN THE USSR. HOWEVER, IT TAKES FORMS THAT OWE MUCH TO THE CHINESE TRADITION OF DISSENT, THE AUTHOR OF THIS ESSAY-REVIEW OF 10 PUBLICATIONS INDICATES. IT OCCURS PRIMARILY UNDER OFFICIAL SANCTION. DISSENTERS ESTABLISH ALLIANCES WITH POLITICAL FACTIONS OR CAPITALIZE ON OPPORTUNITIES WHEN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP COUNTENANCES DISSENT.

THE AUTHOR, ONE OF THE FOREMOST ORGINATORS OF THE DEPENDENCY FRAMEWORK IN MARXIST ANALYSIS, POSES THE QUESTION OF IMPERIALISM AND PEASANTRY IN 3 STAGES OF PERUVIAN DEVELOPMENT: SEMICOLONIAL (1890-1945), TRANSITIONAL (19451968), AND COMTEMPORARY. HIS FOCUS IS ON THE IMPACT OF THE AGRARIAN REFORM IMPOSED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF GEN, JUAN VALASCO ALVERADO UPON PERUVIAN RURAL CLASS STRUCTURE.

THE AUTHOR LOOKS AT HTE ACTIVITY OF WEALTHY MEN IN NEW YORK CITY POLITICS BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR. IT IS COMMONLY THOUGH THEY "ABANDONED" LOCAL POLITICS IN THE 1850S. THE ARGUES NYC POLITICS IN THOSE YEARS MAKES MOST SENSE WHEN THEIR ACTIVITY IS TAKEN INTO ACCOUNT. THEIR EFFORTS AT CHALLENGING TAMMANY HALL WERE INTERMITTENT AND NEVER COINCIDED WITH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS.

THE END RESULT OF RECENT PRESIDENTIAL INTEREST IN MANAGEMENT HAS BEEN TO USE MANAGEMENT TECHNIQUES TO CREATE IMAGE, NOT TO EXERCISE DIRECTION AND CONTROL. THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT JOHNSON, NIXON AND CARTER EACH ADOPTED A TOOL IN AN INITIAL DISPLAY OF INTENSE INTEREST AND THEN RELEGATED IT BUREAUCRATS UNCERTAIN ABOUT ITS USE. NEVERTHELESS, HE FINDS FUTURE GOOD PRESIDENTS WILL USE TRUE MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES.

THE AUTHOR EXAMINES THE CONTEMPORARY PARTY SYSTEM AND THE RESULTS OF THE 1981 ELECTIONS WHICH BROUGHT A SWEEPING VICTORY TO THE SOCIALISTS. HE CONSIDERS THE LEADERSHIP AND PHILOSOPHY OF THE 2 MAIN PARTIES: THE PANHELLENIC SOCIALISTS MOVEMENT FOUNDED BY PAPANDREOU IN 1974, AND THE NEW DEMOCRACY PARTY FOUNDED BY KARAMANLIS IN 1955. ELECTION RESULTS FOR ALL PARTIES ARE PRESENTED.

THE NEW, COMMON VIEW OF COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY THAT EMPHASIZES INFORMATION PROCESSING HAS OFFERED A SOLUTION TO THE AMBIGUITY OF SO MANY OF COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY'S HANDICAPS, OR AT LEAST THE BASIS FOR A SOLUTION. THE AUTHOR PRESENTS A DEFINITION OF INTELLIGENCE & A STRUCTURE-OF-INTELLECT MODEL WHICH OFFER, FOR GENERAL USE, A SYSTEMATIC COLLECTION OF RIGOROUSLY & OPERATIONALLY DEFINED CONCEPTS.

IT IS PAINFULLY APPARENT IN SO-CALLED "SOCIAL SCIENCE" & IN PUBLIC POLICY DECISIONS BASED UPON IT THAT MODERN MAN'S WORSHIP OF NUMBERS & GRAPHS PUTS GREAT POWER IN THE HANDS OF THOSE WHO KNOW HOW TO MANIPULATE FIGURES, THE AUTHOR NOTES. THE PROBLEM IS NOT WITH STATISTICAL COMPLEXITIES & SUBTLETIES, BUT WITH UNCRITICAL RELIANCE OF THE PUBLIC, LEGISLATURES & JUDGES ON MISCONCEPTION, PRESUMPTION & NONSENSE.

THE AUTHOR PRESENTS A CRITIQUE & AN EXTENSION OF WEISSBERG'S (1978) THEORY OF COLLECTIVE REPRESENTATION. SHE REDEFINES COLLECTIVE REPRESENTATION AS EXTENT TO WHICH POLICY OUTPUTS REFLECT NATION-WIDE PUBLIC PREFERENCES. SHE USES DATA FROM SRC/CPS ELECTION SURVEYS IN 1978 & ROLL-CALL DATA OF 85TH CONGRESS. UNDER REDEFINITION, COLLECTIVE REPRESENTATION HAS ADVANTAGE OVER DYADIC ON ONLY 2 HOUSE VOTES OUT OF 7.