Suchergebnisse

Elevated levels of depressive and somatic symptoms have been documented among college students. Over the past two decades, there has been an increase in the number of Bedouin Arab students studying at institutions of higher education in southern Israel. To date, research on coping and mental health problems among students who are members of this ethnic minority has been limited. This study examined the role of three aspects of perceived social support – availability, satisfaction, and the ability to get emotional support – in predicting depressive and somatic symptoms among Jewish Israeli and Bedouin Arab college students. A total of 89 Bedouin and 101 Jewish first-year students participated in this study, which involved two assessment waves 12 to 14 months apart. Participants completed questionnaires assessing depressive symptoms, somatic complaints, three aspects of perceived social support, and demographics. At Time 1, Bedouin students exhibited higher levels of depressive and somatic symptoms and lower levels of all three aspects of social support. Regression analyses showed that level of emotional support was a prospective predictor of somatization at Time 2. Moreover, when levels of emotional support were low, ethnic group predicted depression at Time 2; emotional support predicted depression only among Bedouin Arabs. The present study highlights the importance of the use of emotional support in predicting somatic complaints and depressive symptoms specifically among Bedouin Arab students. Clinical implications on intervention programs for ethnic minority students will be discussed.

Mainstream media outlets' struggle to counter misinformation about Israel and Hamas has worsened the spread of falsehoods on social media platforms.
The post A Few Suggestions for Social Media Giants Struggling to Handle the Hamas Assault on Israeli Civilians, Part II appeared first on American Enterprise Institute - AEI.

Depending on the realist theory does not explain accurately the causes of the Turkish Israeli rapprochement. For instance, this theory neglects the nature of demographic and social formation of states in using this concept to explain alliances. The present study uses the Constructivist approach in studying these causes. Constructivists, argue that understanding how actors develop their interests is important in explaining international political phenomenon. To explain interest formation, they focus on the social identities of individuals or states. Identity, makes some countries more attractive than others. The importance of identity for determining who is considered a worthwhile strategic pa1iner is evident in the case of Turkey and Israel. The two countries have a number of orientations and interests in common as well as certain differences in perception and priorities. Turkey's identity is not stable but it is developed and sustained or transformed through interaction. Issues of security and interests undoubtedly affects Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Turkish foreign policy toward Syria and Iraq has been shaped by Turkey's identity as affected by its alliance with Israel. The Turkish-Israeli rapprochement leads Turkey to resort to more strict methods in her relations with Syria and Iraq to cope with Kurdish issue, water problem and border dispute.

AbstractGuided by the psycho-social environment approach to explaining health inequalities, this cross-sectional study aimed to assess the contribution of individual and community factors to explaining ethnic inequalities in overweight and obesity between Arab and Jewish mothers of young children in Israel. Data (N = 946, 371 Jewish, 575 Arab mothers) were collected by self-report questionnaire in mid-2015 as part of a special 'Preparation for School' project for children aged 5–6 years from twenty Mother and Child Health clinics in towns and villages of lowest socio-economic ranking in northern Israel. Multinomial logistic regression models were conducted to assess the effect of socio-economic status (SES), psychological, lifestyle behaviour and community food-related practices on mediating the association of ethnicity with overweight and obesity. Overweight and obesity were significantly higher among Arab mothers. The strength of the association of ethnicity with overweight [(odds ratio) OR = 1.80, 95 per cent confidence interval (CI) = 1.31, 2.47] or obesity (OR = 2.14. 95 per cent CI = 1.44, 3.18) remained constant after SES, and other variables were included in two steps. The persistence of ethnic inequalities suggests that the variables included in the analysis did not explain inequalities in this disadvantaged population. Social work may contribute to understanding additional explanatory variables that have the potential to be amenable to change by multidisciplinary and social work interventions.

Social media platforms have a duty to productively contribute to the global conversation surrounding Hamas' attack on Israel while also working against the spread of harmful misinformation and abuse on their platforms.
The post A Few Suggestions for Social Media Giants Struggling to Handle the Hamas Assault on Israeli Civilians, Part I appeared first on American Enterprise Institute - AEI.

Despite the significant differences between the issues under contention, the Oslo peace process between Israel and the Palestinians and the "solution process" between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) were plagued by common dysfunctions that militated against their success. A comparative investigation points to several salient common denominators that rendered both peace processes susceptible to collapse, including the inadequate identification of the end goals of negotiations by the conflicting parties, mistrust and societal polarization. Over-reaching security measures enacted by the stronger side in each conflict (Israel and Turkey) that stifled freedom of expression, conflated lawful dissent with criminality, tended towards collective punishment and undermined the ability of the weaker parties to organize in the political arena and negotiate effectively also contributed to the breakdown of negotiations. Systematic analysis of these peace process pathologies will suggest critical "lessons learned" from which fellow researchers and policymakers can glean valuable insights.

The article analyses how the Europeans (meaning European states and the EC/EU) have progressively turned a discourse about the Israeli-Palestinian border into a foreign policy practice. While much of the literature highlights the existence of a 'gap between discourse and practice' when it comes to Europeans' foreign policy stance towards the Arab-Israeli conflict, we argue that the gap is dynamic and has changed across time. In the absence of an internationally and locally recognised border between Israel and Palestine, the Europeans have aimed at constructing one on the 1949 armistice line, the so-called Green Line. They have done so in stages, by first formulating a discursive practice about the need for a border, then establishing economic practices in the late 1980s-early 1990s, and most recently practicing a legal frame of reference for relations with Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) based on the Green Line. The outcome is that, for what concerns European countries and EU legislation, the Green Line has been increasingly taken as the Israeli-Palestinian border. However, gaps never fully close and more contemporary events seem in fact to point to a re-opening of the gap, as the article explores.

When The Jubilee year of the founding of the State of Israel arrived, the market was flooded with books, periodicals, special issues, TV documentaries and albums marking the 50th anniversary. As expected, some of these products stimulated sharp controversies, as a part of recent debates over Israeli historiography, collective memory, and identity. Perhaps the most controversy was focused on the Channel One (public TV) series titled "Tkuma" ("Revival"). Contrary to expectations, the series presented the Israeli past a little bit more courageously and less canonically than the usual conservative Zionist version. It was by no means a "revisionist" history, but for the first time the general public was exposed to a more balanced and less mythical version of Israel's history. The uprooting and expulsion of the Palestinians during the 1948 war and their transformation into a refugee camp society were briefly mentioned with some empathy. Clips from the well-known Syrian reconstruction of the massacre in Kafr Qassem were aired. In the segment on Palestinian armed struggle use was made of films from the PLO archives (captured by the Israeli secret services during the 1982 invasion of Lebanon). The discrimination and peripheralization of the immigrants from Arab countries and their violent reactions (the Wadi Salib riots and the Black Panthers' demonstrations) were not blurred. In general, alongside the state's great economic, cultural, and military achievements, some of the shadows were remembered as well, such as Ben-Gurion's one-man leadership and Golda Meir's refusal to make any territorial concessions in exchange for security arrangements (peace?). Even the inevitability of the 1967 and 1973 wars was questioned. The series was heavily attacked and accused of being anti-Zionist, especially by the right-wing establishment. The Minister of Communication, Limor Livnat, who is in charge of public broadcasting, tried to "supervise" the series and especially the segment on the PLO; however, she withdrew when she was accused of censorship.

AbstractBackgroundFollowing the convention on the rights of persons with disabilities (CRPD), various countries have recently amended their legal capacity laws with the aim of restricting the use of guardianship and increasing the use of other, less restrictive practices, mainly supported decision making. As social workers have a key role in carrying out these reforms, this study examines how Israeli social workers make legal capacity‐related decisions.MethodSemi‐structured interviews with 27 Israeli social workers.ResultsThematic analysis identified three factors driving social workers' recommendations regarding guardianship and supported decision‐making: the person's diagnosis and functioning level, and the presence of a supportive family. A fourth factor, the person's preferences, played a complex and more limited role.ConclusionsMany changes have yet to be made to fully apply the support paradigm in Israel, since social workers still tend to base their recommendations on factors not fully aligned with the CRPD.

The present study examines the individual, family, and social resources that influence the academic adjustment of Ethiopian students as compared to Israeli students. More specifically, the study examines the influence of sense of coherence, coping styles, family cohesion and adaptability, and social support on the academic adjustment of these two populations. Academic adjustment was measured using three dimensions: (a) the student's assessment of his competence and ability in learning; (b) the student's satisfaction in his. studies; and (c) the student's grade point average (GPA) during his first year in college (this component was used only for the Ethiopian students). Forty-six Ethiopian and 46 matched Israeli students participated in the study. Results indicate that there are significant differences between the two populations that influence their academic adjustment. Findings are discussed in light of previous knowledge of the Ethiopian community in Israel, as well as the process of adjustment of foreign and racially different students to college.

In January 2019, about two weeks before India's Republic Day, Israel's National Security Advisor, Meir Ben-Shabbat, flew to New Delhi and met Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi. While such consultations have been routine for the past two decades, the Israeli official chose the direct Air India flight from Tel Aviv – a new flight connection that could only be established due to an unprecedented permit for Israel-bound flights to fly over Saudi airspace. The small incident highlights the distance that India and Israel have traveled since the normalization of diplomatic relations in 1992. Today, the two states share an ever-growing cooperation, especially in the areas of security and eco­nomic development. This rapprochement with Israel is embedded in India's broader Middle East strategy, in which especially the Gulf Arab states are important partners. Thus, India-Israel relations have also been catalyzed by the improvement in ties be­tween Israel and the Gulf States as well as the diminishing role played by the Palestin­ian issue. This, in turn, has led India, especially under Modi, not only to strengthen its ties with Israel, but also to de-hyphenate those ties from the Israeli-Palestinian con­flict, leading to a marginalization of the Palestinian question in Indian foreign policy.

The article examines the concept of "The Other" bearing the meaning of "different", rather than the meaning of "whoever is not myself", in the light of Integration and Inclusion in the Israeli Educational System and Society. For this sake two new concepts have been coined: "different-other" and "significant different-other". The literature analysis indicates that according to the Integration Model and the idea of Normalization, the reference to "The Other" as a human being rather than "a special needs person" is minimized, while the ideological basis of Inclusion matches a holistic and pluralistic view which encourages the uniqueness of the "Different-Other" and leads him towards a meaningful life. The analysis of examples in the Israeli society yields that despite advanced legislation and awareness towards individuals with special needs, the current situation does not meet the criteria of Inclusion. The educational reality indicates that no restructuring of the system, as a major criterion of Inclusion, has taken place, although the principles of early identification, intervention and monitoring are already implemented. The overall insight from the article is that despite the strive towards equity and equality in legislation, efforts should be channeled to persuade the public that the "Different-Other" is first and foremost a human being, and it is the duty of the society to view him as a "Significant Different-Other" rather than a "Different-Other".