AbstractDiasporas are increasingly seen as an economic resource and new agents in sending state development regimes. The nature of these state‐diaspora relationships are matters of increasing interest to scholars. In this paper we examine the case of India and the current government's engagement with diaspora groups, especially alumni networks of Indian Institutes of Technology and Management. Alumni networks provide conduits for diasporas to inform homeland affairs and for home nations to project their brand of soft power and technological modernity, suggesting novel and emerging forms of transnational governance particularly in education and technological development. We offer a critical conceptual review of these issues by tracing prominent Indian diaspora alumni actors and emerging transnational diasporic governance networks and how these might inflect "national" policy frameworks in sending countries through the reproduction of caste and class privilege.
Since March 2018 Turkey and allied Syrian actors have controlled the Afrin region of northern Syria. The subsequent five years have been marked by acts of criminality and infighting incidents between the dozens of Turkish-backed militias in the region, an insurgency campaign, acts of terrorism, and dramatic demographic changes to the detriment of the region's indigenous Kurdish population. This paper examines and outlines the Turkish-installed local governance structure, highlighting the relationships between Syrian civil and military actors and the various Turkish institutions present, what effects this regime has had on the region's security situation, and it relates to broader Turkish policy within Syria.
ABSTRACTThis research note assesses participatory health governance practices for HIV and AIDS in Brazil. By extension, we also evaluate municipal democratic governance to public health outcomes. We draw from a unique dataset on municipal HIV/AIDS prevalence and participatory health governance from 2006–17 for all 5,570 Brazilian municipalities. We use negative binomial regression and coarsened exact matching with treatment effects to estimate the influence of community health governance institutions on HIV/AIDS prevalence. Municipalities with participatory health councils experience 14% lower HIV/AIDS prevalence than other municipalities, all else equal. Family Health Program coverage, municipal state capacity, and municipal per capita health spending are also associated with systematically lower HIV/AIDS prevalence. We conclude that participatory health governance may combat HIV and AIDS through municipal spending, education, and community mobilization. Municipal health councils can facilitate these strategies and offer opportunities for improving well-being around the world.
AbstractPlastic pollution is a planetary crisis posing a significant threat to humans and the environment. The regulatory response to this crisis has so far been piecemeal and has not prevented the accumulation and ubiquity of plastic pollution. The growing concern over plastic pollution and the first regulatory measures directed against it soon resulted in court cases. By early 2023, cases concerning plastic pollution emerged in more than 30 countries around the world. From holding private polluters accountable to considering the constitutionality of restrictions on certain plastic products and to ordering regulatory bodies to adopt or implement such measures, courts are playing an increasingly important role in plastic pollution governance.
Japanese firms have historically followed a country-specific model of corporate governance. Yet, Japan has had to adapt its corporate model over the last 30 years, along with the transformation of distinctive characteristics of Japanese capitalism in the same period. We review the historical evolution of Japanese corporate governance over the last three decades with a specific emphasis on the changes in the capital structure of major companies and the efforts to correct ineffective board of directors monitoring. By doing this, we investigate to what extent specific Japanese corporate governance features may explain the nation's economic situation over this period. Thereby, we try to clarify the influences that have presided over recent corporate governance reforms in Japan despite the existence of managerial failures and corporate scandals. This paper places itself into the debate over the diversity of capitalism as it portrays the specificities, differences, and converging trends of Japanese corporate governance practices.
AbstractThis study complements the extant literature by assessing the role of governance dynamics in food security in Ghana for the period 1980–2019. The empirical evidence is based on the fully modified ordinary least squares technique and governance is categorized into political (entailing political stability and voice and accountability), economical (consisting of regulatory quality and government effectiveness), and institutional (entailing corruption‐control and the rule of law) governance dynamics. The study finds that the engaged governance dynamics improve food security in Ghana. Policy implications are discussed with specific emphasis on the sustainable development goals.Related ArticlesAyanoore, Ishmael, and Sam Hickey. 2022. "Reframing the Politics of Natural Resource Governance in Africa: Insights from the Local Content Legislation Process in Ghana." Politics & Policy 50(1): 119–36. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12449.Oehmke, James F., Sera L. Young, Godfrey Bahiigwa, Boaz Blackie Keizire, and Lori Ann Post. 2018. "The Behavioral‐Economics Basis of Mutual Accountability to Achieve Food Security." Politics & Policy 46(1): 32–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12244.Pelizzo, Riccardo, and Zim Nwokora. 2018. "Party System Change and the Quality of Democracy in East Africa." Politics & Policy 46(3): 505–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12255.
This article examines the mechanisms underlying the formation of U.S. national clean energy policy network. Informed by the Institutional Collective Action (ICA) framework, this article develops and tests hypotheses regarding cooperation versus coordination hypotheses regarding the reasons underlying clean energy policy actors' networking activities. Using a webcrawler data collection strategy and measuring policy network with hyperlink network, a data set of network relationships among the clean energy policy actors is collected. Exponential Random Graph Models (ERGMs) are applied to test the proposed hypotheses, and results show strong empirical evidence supporting cooperation hypotheses, with partial support for coordination hypotheses.
After the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been an increase of digital technology adoption in the community, both in terms of its utilization and intensity. Digital Indonesia 2022 data released by We Are Social with Kepios shows an increase of 1 percent or 2.1 million internet users in January 2022 compared to January 2021 with increasing diverse internet usage variations. Digital transformation not only occurs in urban but also in rural areas. BPS data shows that the growth of internet users in villages is greater than in cities in 2020. This changing habit from the community encourages the village government to transform services and village development through smart governance. This research aims to describe the role of smart governance in supporting the achievement of sustainable development goals. This research was conducted by descriptive analysis using various works of literature as data. Various data show that smart governance encourages the creation of a village digital database, which is then used in the planning and decision-making process. During a pandemic, smart governance supports population administration services through features and application development. The results of the analysis conclude that smart governance generally drives the 17 goals of the SDGs, but particularly propels the achievements of SDGs' goals 16 and 17.
The global economy is currently experiencing unprecedented changes as the BRICS nations establish themselves as a signifi cant power center and a crucial factor in the transformation of the international economic framework. Following China's chairmanship of BRICS, which culminated in the BRICS+ meetings with a diverse range of emerging market economies, these and other countries have expressed their desire to join the BRICS group. The expansion process was largely catalyzed by the openness exhibited by BRICS through the BRICS+ format. The main question at this juncture is how the BRICS+ format will develop and whether it can enhance the position of BRICS in the global arena and among the Global South. This paper explores some of the opportunities presented by the BRICS+ concept in the creation of new global governance, particularly through the establishment of platforms – including those in the real sector and fi nancial platforms aimed at promoting greater cooperation among the sovereign wealth funds and regional development banks of the Global South. Another critical area is the launch of a new reserve currency that could serve as the foundation for greater economic integration across the broad platform of the developing world.
Multilateralism and minilateralism are the main mechanisms of global governance. Multilateralism is characterized by membership inclusiveness, a low entry threshold for new members, and a focus on universality, while minilateralism is characterized by membership exclusivity, a high entry threshold for new members, and no focus on universality. Contemporary multilateral institutions emerged after World War II under the influence of American hegemony. The US commitment to multilateralism in global governance has been inconsistent, setting the stage for the current crisis of multilateral global governance. The aforementioned crisis can be explained by the problems of American leadership, the emergence of a polycentric power configuration of the world, as well as specific actions of both the hegemon and other great powers. The issue was fueled by the increasingly evident problems of ineffectiveness of the core global institutions in dealing with pressing problems, deadlocks in multilateral negotiations and the lack of representation of developing countries in global governance. The failure of the main actors to respond to these challenges has led to the proliferation of the minilateralist mechanism of global governance. Two types of minilateralism in global governance are distinguished - clubs of the most significant states (the first type) and communities of like-minded states (the second type). The main advantage of the first type of minilateralism is the ability to solve global problems with minimal effort. Minilateralism of the second type is positively distinguished by its homogeneous structure and cohesion of the ranks. The main advantages of minilateralism in general include flexibility, adaptability, plasticity, quick decision-making, free, open and effective negotiations and resource saving. The main disadvantages of minilateralism are low legitimacy, limited technical and financial capabilities, lack of transparency and accountability, vagueness of goals and lack of focus. The first type of minilateralism is able to somewhat increase the effectiveness of interaction within the global institutions by reducing the number of parties involved, but it is unlikely to be able to overcome the core source of ineffectiveness of global governance, which is the mistrust between the main actors. The main disadvantage of the second type of minilateralism is the fragmentation of international regimes. The emergence of the minilateral competitors can both motivate the established institutions to reform and demotivate states to participate in multilateral global governance. Minilateralism will continue to play a large role in global governance. The disadvantages of minilateralism can be mitigated by combining it with the multilateralist mechanism, using a more rigorous approach to the selection of participants, goal setting and the implementation of agreements, and introducing a system of indirect representation.
In: Regions & cohesion: Regiones y cohesión = Régions et cohésion : the journal of the Consortium for Comparative Research on Regional Integration and Social Cohesion, Band 13, Heft 1, S. v-vi
The editorial team at Regions & Cohesion welcomes 2023 with a reflection on the challenges of regional integration at diverse scales, from international relations to very local places and in disparate political arenas. Regional organizations are generally criticized at the moment for a lack of responsiveness to citizen concerns. Our Editors' Notes over the last two years have highlighted the need for more resilient regionalism that responds to the needs of communities. This is not to say, however, that such regionalism has not existed. Regional integration processes have addressed crises in the past at both the national and local levels.