Suchergebnisse

THE AUTHOR CLAIMS THAT THE INCREMENTAL NEGOTIATIONS CONDUCTED BY KISSINGER WILL NOT PRODUCE AN ACCEPTABLE SETTLEMENT TO THE MIDDLE EAST QUESTION. WHAT IS NEEDED IS A SOLUTION THAT PROVIDES MINIMAL ACCEPTABLE SECURITY FOR ISRAEL WHILE MEETING MOST ARAB GOALS. THIS IS IMPOSSIBLE WHILE ISRAEL REFUSES TO GIVE UP TERRITORY AND EVENTUALLY A SOLUTION CAN ONLY COME THROUGH OUTSIDE INTERFERENCE.

ARTICLE ATTEMPTS TO DEFINE THE PARAMETERS OF THE RIGHT TO PRIVACY. IN SO DOING, THE AUTHOR CONCLUDES THAT THERE IS NOT COMMONLY ACCEPTED DEFINITION OF WHAT THE RIGHTS OF PRIVACY ARE. SHE CONTENDS THAT THEY DO NOT CONSTITUTE A SEPARATE AREA BUT ARE DERIVITIVE IN THE SENSE THAT ALL RIGHTS ASSOCIATED WITH PRIVACY ARE ALSO ASSOCIATED WITH OTHER CLUSTERING OF RIGHTS.

IT IS OFTEN SAID THAT MODERN POLITICS IS FUNDAMENTALLY SECULAR; REASONS FOR THIS TRUISM ARE RARELY EXPLORED. THE AUTHOR ASSESSES THE QUESTION BY DISTINGUISHING AND CONTRASTING THREE MAJOR VIEWS OF SECULARITY AND EXAMINING PRINCIPAL CHOICES INVOLVED IN THESE DIFFERING USES OF THE TERM. FIRST, THE NOTION OF SECULAR RELIGION IS EXAMINED AND THEN CONTRASTED WITH RATIONAL SECULARISM.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF WHAT THE AUTHOR TERMS A CONSTITUTIONAL "DOUBLE STANDARD," WHEREBY THE SUPREME COURT GAVE GREATER PROTECTION TO CIVIL LIBERTIES THAN TO PROPERTY RIGHTS, IS TRACED. IT IS AGRUED THAT THE COURT MUST EXPLICITLY REJECT THIS DOUBLE STANDARD. IN ITS PLACE SHOULD COME A POLICY THAT WOULD AFFORD THE SAME DEGREE OF CONSTITUTIONAL PROTECTION AGAINST LEGISLATIVE REGULATIONS.

THIS ESSAY RAISES QUESTIONS ABOUT A THEORY OF JUSTICE IN RAWLS' OWN TERMS-ACCEPTING ITS PREMISES BUT EXAMINING ITS REASONING BY HIS OWN STATED CRITERIA. THE AUTHOR BELIEVES THAT SUCH AN EXAMINATION WILL SHOW THAT THE ABSTRACT JUSTIFICATORY APPEAL TO AN "ORIGINAL POSITION" IS UNSATISFACTORY IN CERTAIN VITAL PSYCHOLOGICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL WAYS; THAT HIS ANALYSIS RAISES PROBLEMS OF MEASUREMENT AND COMPARISON.

THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM, SO DOMINATED BY THE US SINCE THE WAR, NOW APPEARS TO BEIN DISARRAY. THE ROLE OF THE US IS CHANGING FROM THE ONE OF THE LEADERSHIP IT OFFERED UNTIL THE EARLY 1970'S. THIS DECLINE IN EXAMINED; THEN THE AUTHOR ASSESSES THE BROAD QUESTION OF HOW BEST TO CONSTRUCT A DURABLE FRAMEWORK OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ORDER.

AN EXAMPLE OF THE USE OF ANALOGIES,THE AUTHOR INDICATES THAT THEY MAY BE EITHER USEFUL,NECESSARY OR HARMFUL. THE DEGREE OF CORRECPONDENCE BETWEENTHE MODEL AND THE REAL WORLD DEPENDS ESSENTIALLY ON THE TRUTH OF THE THEORY THAT UNDERLYIES THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE MODEL. A SIMULATION IS A LONG CALCULATION AND A COMPARISON BETWEEN CALCULATED RESULTS AND REAL RESULTS.

LOOKS AT SOME OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF NORWAY'S EC REFERENDUM, SOME LESSONS THAT CAN BE LEARNED FROM IT, AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FUTURE. THE AUTHOR STATES THAT THE REFERENDUM POLARIZED INTERESTS, OUTLOOKS, AND CAUSED CONFLICT IN AN UNPRECEDENTED MANNER. HOWEVER, HOLST CONCLUDES, THIS POLARIZATION WOULD HAVE BEEN FAR MORE SEVERE HAD IT TAKEN PLACE IN A CLIMATE OF TURMOIL AND DEPRESSION.

THE AUTHOR RESPONDS TO DAVID KOEHLER'S PAPER, "VOTE TRADING AND THE VOTING PARADOX: A PROOF OF LOGICAL EQUIVALENCE". HE BELIEVES THAT LOGROLLING DOES NOT NECESSARILY IMPLY THE PARADOX OF VOTING, NOR DOES THE PARADOX OF VOTING IMPLY THE EXISTENCE OF LOGROLLING SITUATIONS. HE BELIEVES THAT KOEHLER FAILED TO FIND CONDITIONS TO SUPPORT HIS GENERAL PROOF OF A LOGICAL EQUIVALENCE.

THE AUTHOR DESCRIBES THE DISTINCTION IN THE GOALS OF POLITICAL PARTIES (OR CANDIDATES)-THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE PRIMARY GOAL OF OFFICE AND THE GOAL OF THE BENEFITS DERIVED FROM THE CONTROL OF OFFICE. THE ARTICLE CONCERNS GOALS AND STRATEGIES AND ORGANIZING POLITICAL PARTIES. THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN OFFICE-SEEKING AND BENEFIT-SEEKING THEORIES LEADS TO AN EXPLANATION OF THE TENSIONS IN DEMOCRATIC PARTIES.

THE AUTHOR EVALUATES THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION GAME. THE SHAPLEY VALUE OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION "GAME" IS APPROXIMATED BY THE METHOD OF MULTILINEAR EXTENSIONS; THE PROBABLE ERROR IN THIS APPROXIMATION IS COMPUTED BY ANALYZING THE ERROR IN THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE GAME. A COMPARISON WITH THE BANZHAF VALUE IS ALSO GIVEN IN THE ARTICLE. THE SEVERAL BIASES INHERENT IN THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM ARE ANALYZED.

THE AUTHOR ANALYZE'S RIKER'S THESIS THAT ONLY MINIMIM WINNING COALITIONS FORM IN N-PERSON ZERO-SUM SYMMETRIC GAMES. HE DEMONSTRATES THAT RIKER'S CONCLUSION IS FALSE BY IDENTIFYING THE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH LARGER THAN MINIMUM WINNING COALITIONS CAN FORM. THESE GAMES ARE CHARACTERIZED AS GAMES INESSENTIAL OVER COALITIONS OF LOSERS. HE DESCRIBES BUTTERWORTH'S AND SHEPSLE'S IDEAS OF COALITIONS.

THE AUTHOR DEVELOPS AN EXPLANATORY MODEL FOR THE OUTCOMES OF MIDTERM CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS. MIDTERMS ARE A REFERENDUM ON THE PERFORMANCE OF BOTH THE PRESIDENT AND HIS ADMINISTRATION'S MANAGEMENT OF THE ECONOMY. THE MODEL YIELDS HONEST AND ACCURATE PRE-ELECTION PREDICTIONS OF THE NATIONAL TWO-PARTY VOTE IN MIDTERM ELECTIONS. EXTENSION OF THE MODEL CONSIDERS CONGRESSIONAL SEATS, THE ELECTORATE AND PARTIES.

THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT AMERICAN DOLLAR DIPLOMACY WAS NOT THE KEY FACTOR WHICH BROUGHT ABOUT THE EXPULSION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTIES IN FRANCE AND ITALY IN THE SPRING OF 1947. ALTHOUGH THE ROLE OF AMERICAN CAPITAL SHOULD NOT BE UNDERESTIMATED IN THAT IT HELPED TO WIN TO AMERICA'S CAUSE RULERS WHO WERE INCLINED TO BARGAIN, NEITHER GOVERNMENT SURRENDERED SOVEREIGNTY OVER DOMESTIC AFFAIRS.