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Abstract. By late March, to anticipate the spreading of COVID-19 pandemic, the President of the Republic of Indonesia has issued several regulations. The Author has examined that the main laws that were used as the based for the issuance of those regulations are Law No.6 Year 2018 regarding Health Quarantine (the Health Quarantine Law). Therefore in order to handle COVID-19 pandemic, an understanding of the Law become a must. The aim of this research is to elaborate and explain the Health Quarantine Law to reduce the COVID-19 pandemic. This research is normative legal research. The research used secondary data, which consisted of primary legal sources and secondary legal sources. Data were collected through the "google scholar machine". Data obtained were analyzed using a qualitative approach. Findings and analysis proved that besides those newly issued regulations there were several measures and acts that should be taken to handle the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. The Author suggests that the Central Government shall take the necessary steps as soon as possible.

The author investigated the nature of institutional quality in the CommonMarket for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) on the basis of voiceand accountability political stability, government effectiveness, regulatoryquality, rule of law and control of corruption. The author furtherinvestigated the existence of a link between institutional quality and factorsof production. The results show that capital, entrepreneurship and foreigndirect investment are the major determinants of production of tradablegoods in COMESA. In exception of Mauritius and Namibia (currently nolonger a member) the rest of COMESA member states have very poorinstitutional quality. This affects their ability to attract foreign directinvestment hence production of tradable goods. Voice and accountability,government effectiveness, rule of law and political stability play a majorrole in increasing production of tradable goods in COMESA. Foreign directinvestment is affected by voice and accountability, rule of law and politicalstability than any other factors. Availability of raw material is affected bygovernment effectiveness, regulatory quality, political stability, voice andaccountability and control of corruption. Capital is very sensitive to issuesof voice and accountability and control of corruption and regulatory quality.

In der aktuellen sprachphilosophischen Debatte um die Semantik/Pragmatik-Unterscheidung bezieht die Autorin gegen eine kontextualistische und zugunsten einer minimalistischen Position Stellung, der zufolge der genuin semantische Gehalt eines geäußerten Satzes nicht von Sprecherintentionen abhängt, sondern allein unter Rekurs auf die konventionelle Bedeutung der verwendeten Ausdrücke und die Regeln ihrer Komposition bestimmt wird. Als Prüfstein für die Tragweite dieser Auffassung im Hinblick auf das Phänomen der Indexikalität wird demonstrative sprachliche Bezugnahme anschließend zum Gegenstand einer genauen Analyse – im Speziellen bezüglich der Frage, inwieweit eine minimalistische Auffassung von Semantik den Besonderheiten demonstrativer Bezugnahmen gerecht werden kann. The author proposes a new variant of semantic minimalism combining anti-intentionalism (the view according to which the semantic content of uttered sentences is independent of speaker intentions) with the rejection of propositionalism (the view according to which the semantic content of uttered sentences always reaches the level of a proposition, i.e. a content potentially figuring as the object of an attitude). Investigating the specifics of demonstrative expressions as a touchstone for her minimalist account, by decoupling the notion of a truth-condition from that of a proposition the author manages to stay within the bounds of a truth-conditional account, while taking into account that the referents of demonstrative expressions cannot be determined without reference to speaker intentions.

Community governance is significant for the grass-roots governance in China. Micro-governance and micro-reform starting from community service station is a meaningful measure to explore the improvement of grass-roots governance. Focusing on the reform of community service stations in Beijing, this paper, in consideration to the background of service station reform, describes the history, content and characteristics of the reform of comprehensive setting of Qianggen Community on G Subdistrict of Xicheng District, Beijing, in details, and conducts in-depth analysis based on "The Theory of Scenes" and "The Theory of Governance". The author holds that community service stations, with new roles taken, new scenarios created and new mechanisms shaped after transformation and upgrading, are turned into governance centers that connect multiple parties, respond to needs of residents better and improve the effectiveness of community governance. The reform practice is committed to the generatingof scenarized social space, promoting the manifestation of the integrated governance pattern. The author is inspired to consider the issues related to grassroots governance further and to put forward several suggestions for deepening reform.

Im Berufssport ist es allgemein üblich, dass nur solche diejenigen Athleten an Wettkämpfen teilnehmen dürfen, die vorher mit dem Veranstalter eine Schiedsvereinbarung geschlossen haben. Die Causa »Pechstein« hat gezeigt, dass hinsichtlich der rechtlichen Bewertung dieser Schiedsvereinbarungen zum Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) noch viele Fragen offen sind. -- Einigkeit besteht in Rechtsprechung und Literatur lediglich dahingehend, dass Sportschiedsvereinbarungen in der Praxis oktroyiert werden. Der Autor unterzieht CAS-Schiedsvereinbarungen daher einer umfassenden rechtlichen Wirksamkeitskontrolle. Er kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass im Rahmen des Art. 6 Abs. 1 EMRK, Art. 102 AEUV und der AGB-Kontrolle eine umfassende Interessenabwägung der einzelnen Organisations- und Verfahrensregeln des CAS entscheidend ist. Er erkennt dabei in mehreren Regeln einen Verstoß gegen die geprüften Normen. Auch auf Grundlage der »Achmea«-Rechtsprechung bejaht er einen Rechtsverstoß. Demgegenüber steht die Erkenntnis, dass aus dem Justizgewähranspruch kein Freiwilligkeitserfordernis abgeleitet werden kann. / »The (In-)Validity of Arbitration Agreements in Professional Sport« -- The book analyses the legal validity of CAS arbitration agreements in professional sport. First, it is clarified whether the CAS is a genuine arbitral tribunal in the sense of the ZPO. Furthermore, the author deals in depth with the right to have access to justice (Justizgewähranspruch) as well as Art. 6 para. 1 ECHR. The discussion of Art. 102 TFEU is also a substantial part of the analysis. Additionally, the author takes a stand on the implications of the »Achmea« decision.

The article examines the process of formation of investigative bodies in the territory of modern Kostroma Region from 1917 to August 1944, that is, from the fi rst post-revolutionary years until the re-establishment of Kostroma Region. Based
on the study of archival and memoir sources, the author introduces into the scientifi c circulation new, previously unknown information about the activities of the investigative apparatus and individual local investigators. The article provides the names of specifi c investigative workers who functioned in the prosecution authorities in the studied period of time. Separate criminal cases are described that were in the proceedings of the investigators who worked in Kostroma Region. When writing the article, the author used such research methods as comparative analysis, elements of a systemic, dialectic and historical approaches. The main conclusion is the thesis that the establishment of the investigative apparatus in the territory of Kostroma Region was diffi cult, due to a lack of qualifi ed personnel and a large amount of work. However, this process took place in strict accordance with the laws and other regulations in force at that time.

Functioning and exchange of information between state structures of federal and regional level, coordination of interests of various subjects of the Russian Federation, promote stability in the country. In this situation, the necessary «balance» is
formed in the relations between the Russian Federation and its administrative-territorial units that at due level can protect the state from social shocks and crises. In this regard, the author analyses the participation of subjects of the Russian Federation
in ensuring national security. The article provides a generalised characteristic of correlations between the concepts of «national security» and «regional security». The attention is drawn to factors infl uencing the regional security system. Some
topical issues of legal regulation of activity of subjects of the Russian Federation about the ensuring national security are considered. The author revealed negative tendencies taking place within the regional security system. Based on the conducted research, the conclusion is made that there are a number of problems in the fi eld of national security at the regional level. These problems can affect the state as a whole

The purpose of this article is to analyse the quality of the court, prosecutor and lawyers work through the prism of the problems of the indictment of the Russian criminal process. The study is conducted on the basis of judicial statistics of justices of the peace and courts of general jurisdiction in the first, appeal and cassation instances. The author comes to the following conclusion about modern criminal justice: 1) there is a low percentage of acquittals; 2) that maintains the stability of judicial acts of lower courts; 3) the court, prosecutor and lawyers work can control the legality of court decisions through procedural mechanisms enshrined in legislative acts. The author concludes that improving the quality of the court, prosecutor's and lawyers' work, as well as the level of protection of human and civil rights and freedoms lies in the plane of improving the status-role parameters of the interactions of the main participants in criminal proceedings. These interactions are determined by the circle of their joint activities legal and procedural status. Thus, we need amend existing legislation.

This article deals with the problem of formation of coherent skills of students when teaching them mathematics in modern information society. The author considers learning technologies and means of building cognitive skills in students, which best contribute to this goal. Methodological projects of application in mathematical education of students of training in cooperation, design and problem training, as well as network training are presented. The article considers various means of cognitive skills formation, which can be used by the teacher of higher school. These include joint development of educational content, implementation of educational network projects, training in the «inverted class» model, on mass open online courses, in network educational communities. Special attention is paid to the organization of educational activities of students in the network educational community. An analysis of the benefits of education in the online education community allowed the author to make one aware of the feasibility of using them in the educational process. It is proposed to use one of
the virtual educational environments – Sakai platform, which provides great opportunities in designing its own information environment to support the educational process, for the organisation of online student education and cooperation.

This article will consider whether the Bharatiya Janata Party (the BJP), the party currently ruling India, may be considered conservative. The author will use Swapan Dasgupta's 2015 lecture on conservatism as a starting point for further deliberations. While agreeing with some of Dasgupta's points, the author will conclude that the defining elements of Indian conservatism which he had proposed can, at the same time, define Hindu nationalism as well. To find the difference between the two, the text will consider a few historical examples of disputes and cooperation between the parties of the Hindu Right (and between Hindu conservatives and Hindu nationalists in general) such as the issue of the civil code reform, the attitude towards Dalits (untouchables) and the question of monarchy abolition. The final conclusion of the text is that while Hindu nationalism does share certain aspects and goals with Hindu conservatism, it also differs with it on some other points, and thus the BJP is more of a nationalist than a conservative party. It was the Ramrajya Parishad, a small and now defunct party, that in the author's view represented the strand of Hindu conservatism.

This article contains a comparative analysis of presentations in selected Polish periodicals in November 2018 of the war between Poland and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic over Lviv and Eastern Galicia in the years 1918–1919. In an analysis of the media discourse the author takes into account factographic, axiological, teleological, ideological, and political dimensions. He distinguishes five conventions for the presentation of the events: national-dramatic, national-heroic, martyrological-defamatory, tragic, and tragi-comical. He argues that not all have been represented in the different models of memory policy functioning in the public debate in Poland under the governments of the Law and Justice party (2015–2019). He considers that there have been four such models: the nationalist-Catholic, conservative-nationalist, universalist-patriotic, and self-critical. He argues that the rightist political party (Law and Justice) has long aligned itself with the conservative-nationalist model, while centrist groups, and especially the leftist group, do not attach great importance to memory policy. The author points to the danger resulting from neglect of historical issues in the Polish media.

The purpose of the article is to critically discuss the methodology for measuring "urban scenes" which has been proposed by contemporary Chicago School. The author presents the assumptions and conceptual-analytical framework of scene theory, and then discusses the consecutive steps of the research strategy developed by this theory. The author refers to her research experience in using the scene approach and points to challenges and problems in the application of the scene theory, as well as proposes some strategies of overcoming them.
Marta Klekotko, Marta Klekotko, Matematyka kultury, czyli jak policzyć charakter kulturowy miasta? [Marta Klekotko, Matematyka kultury, czyli jak policzyć charakter kulturowy miasta? [Mathematics of culture: how to measure cultural character of a city?] edited by M. Nowak, "Człowiek i Społeczeństwo" vol. XLVIII: Kuchnia badań miejskich. Studia na temat praktyki empirycznej badaczy miasta [A backstage of urban research. Studies on the empirical practices of city research scientists], Poznań 2019, pp. 13–34, Adam Mickiewicz University. ISSN 0239-3271.
Marta Klekotko, Uniwersytet Jagielloński, Instytut Socjologii UJ, ul. Grodzka 52, 31-044 Kraków, e-mail: marta.klekotko@uj.edu.pl

Review of the monograph indicated in the subtitle V.T. Ryazanov. The reviewer is critical of the position of the author of the book, believing that it is possible and even necessary (to increase the effectiveness of General economic theory and bring it closer to practice) substantial (and not just formal-conventional) synthesis of the Marxist system of political economy with its non-Marxist systems. The article emphasizes the difference between the subject and the method of the classical, including Marxist, school of political economy with its characteristic objective perception of the subject from the neoclassical school with its reduction of objective reality to subjective assessments; this excludes their meaningful synthesis as part of a single «modern political economy». V.T. Ryazanov's interpretation of commodity production in the economic system of «Capital» of K. Marx as a purely mental abstraction, in fact — a fiction, myth is also counter-argued. On the issue of identification of the discipline «national economy», the reviewer, unlike the author of the book, takes the position that it is a concrete economic science that does not have a political economic status.

The article presents the outcomes of the research concerned the issue of the European Union's foreign economic policy, as well as its models and instruments. The EU applies various approaches in relations with third countries, that is determined by differences in aims it intends to achieve in every specific case. The EU acquis constitutes only general framework of the European Union's foreign economic policy, that results in disorderliness and incoherence of European Union in relations with third countries. The Author identified key determinants, that actually shape current models of the European Union's foreign economic policy towards various groups of states. Significant problems and failures have been found. Analysis carried out in the article leads to the conclusion that current models and instruments of foreign economic policy, used by the EU, are not sufficiently efficient and often do not allow to meet new challenges effectively. New approaches and solutions have been proposed by the Author can help to improve the foreign economic policy of the EU and to adjust it to the contemporary global challenges.

AbstractUnder what conditions do elections produce racially discriminatory outcomes? This article proposes electoral discrimination as an electoral mechanism for racial marginalization in indigenous and Afro-descendant Latin America. Electoral discrimination occurs when voters are mobilized under differential terms of electoral inclusion based on their observable characteristics. Using the 2010–2014 rounds of the AmericasBarometer and a conjoint experiment, the author finds that skin color is a robust predictor of vote buying across countries in the region with large, visible black and indigenous populations. A significant portion of the relationship between skin color and vote buying is due to the disproportionate impacts of race-neutral targeting criteria on dark-skinned voters. Observed differences in wealth, political and civic engagement, partisanship, political interest, interpersonal trust, and geography together explain a portion of the skin color–client gap, although the individual contribution of each of these factors differs by country. In addition, the author finds an independent relationship between skin color and vote buying over and above these race-neutral factors. The argument and findings in this article speak broadly to the consequences of electoral mobilization in ethnoracially stratified states in Latin America and beyond.