Our paper will show preliminary results of the FP7 EUCROSS project to examine the scope and nature of cross-border practices within six European nations (Germany, Italy, Spain, UK, Denmark and Romania), based on a quantitative survey undertaken on a random telephone sample of more than 6,000 EU residents. The paper presents the results of two hierarchical logistic regressions assessing the extent to which cross-border practices (mobility and consumption practices) can be associated with both European and global identities (feeling European - feeling citizen of the world). We show that transnational consumption practices are crucially associated with both European and global identities, and indeed are more important than socio-demographic variables and personal experiences of mobility. The systematic comparison of the results of both regressions helps us disentangle processes of cosmopolitisation and europeanisation of daily lives in the context of globalisation. Are the most mobile the most European? Or is it only some specific practices that trigger a higher affinity with the idea of Europe? Can cross-border practices be related to a greater cosmopolitan attitude defined as openness to diversity? We show that specific cross-border practices related to Europe (e.g. purchase in the EU – and not outside the EU, preferences for European cuisines, familiarity with specifically European countries) are associated with a stronger European identity. Other practices are associated with a global identity, such as listening to global music, indicating a certain degree of differentiation between the two processes.
Since sixty years, Ladakh's political space in north-west Hashalayan India has been driven by a series of official requests aimed at regional autonomy. These autonomous movements have sometimes led to very violent demonstrations, but they have never been directed against the Indian Union. On the other hand, they express religious radicalism refusing the administration of Ladakh by Muslim Kashmir. "Why should we be subjected to the cultural aggression of the Kashiris?", recently asked for a ladakhi leader in an Indian national daily. He commented on "culture" and thus aims to disguise the religious nature of local demands. Medicine from Tibet, which is one of the most representative aspects of culture (Buddhist), offers a privileged reading of these regional tensions, while at the same time peculiar to them. ; Depuis soixante ans, l'espace politique du Ladakh, au nord-ouest de l'Inde himalayenne, est animé par une série de demandes officielles ayant pour objectif l'autonomie régionale. Ces mouvements autonomistes ont parfois conduit à des manifestations très violentes mais ils n'ont cependant jamais été dirigés contre l'Union Indienne. Ils expriment en revanche un radicalisme religieux refusant l'administration du Ladakh par le Cachemire musulman. «Pourquoi devrions nous être soumis à l'agression culturelle des Cachemiris ?», demandait récemment un dirigeant ladakhi dans un quotidien national indien. Sa remarque interroge la « culture » et entend camoufler ainsi la nature religieuse des revendications locales. La médecine issue du Tibet, qui est l'un des aspects les plus représentatifs de la culture (bouddhiste) ladakhie, offre une grille de lecture privilégiée de ces tensions régionales, tout en les particularisant.
How do men and women's family life courses differ? Are gender differences in family life courses greater at higher or lower educational levels? And how does the intersection of gender, education and family life courses vary across different macro-structural contexts? This paper addresses these questions comparing East and West Germany during the German division (1961-1990). We thereby compare a strong male breadwinner model in a social market economy in West Germany and a universal breadwinner model in a state socialist system in the East. The analysis uses data from the German National Education Panel (NEPS) and employs two new sequence analysis tools: sequence discrepancy analysis and the implicative statistic for analyzing sequences of typical states. These tools enable us to scrutinize the degree, content, and timing of differences in family trajectories between men and women of different educational levels in the two sub-societies. In line with our expectations, family life courses were more de-standardized in the West compared to the East, and this occurred to the same extent for men and women in both contexts. While we find moderate gender differences in family life courses across all educational groups in the strong male breadwinner context in West Germany, for East Germany gender differences were significant among the medium and lower educated, but not among the highly educated. These findings underline the fact that the intersection of gender and education for family life courses is highly context-specific. They further suggest that different patterns of assortative mating play a key role for gender differences in family life courses. We demonstrate the added value of sequence discrepancy analysis and the implicative statistic to illuminate differences in longitudinal life courses between men and women or other social groups.
"In industrializing countries new groups of consumers with remarkable purchasing power are emerging. Representing a 'new middle class' they are seen as a carrier and promoter of a so-called 'western way of life' beyond the OECD countries. They are presented as having a consumerist predator lifestyle which stands in conflict with the requirements for a sustainable future. Furthermore, they are imputed a profound lack of a sense of responsibility towards society. However, such a 'civil society spirit' is a core prerequisite for coping with the challenge of changing existing lifestyles to insure a more sustainable future. Based upon data from a survey this paper demonstrates that these assumptions are flawed and constitute a misleading perception of the so-called new middle class and their potential role as contributor to and even promoter of a more sustainable future in industrializing countries. The situation is contradictory: on one hand they are clearly the most relevant agents of spreading non-sustainable lifestyles, predominantly confined to the OECD countries in the past. On the other hand relevant parts of them do acknowledge social responsibilities beyond the traditional ambit of their families, and they also acknowledge responsibilities to contribute to a more sustainable future. Thus, comparing the middle class of industrializing countries to those of the (post)industrializing countries, the most interesting question is not whether sustainability is explicitly an issue or not. It seems far more interesting to ask: what are the specific profiles of attitudes and everyday practices of particular groups of the 'new middle class' in particular countries, and are these conducive to a more sustainable future in terms of both social and ecological responsibility? In pursuit of this our case study focuses on HQEs in India." (author's abstract)
This article reflects on traditional and contemporary gardening movements in Germany. The focus is on forms of gardening, that take place in spaces subject to land lease agreements and similar forms of tenancy or of illegal land take or squatting. The author examines various definitions taking into account the variety of practices, the development of urban gardening over time, and the respective backgrounds or values that users relate to such gardening activities. The examination of definitions led to the drawing up of a timeline of traditional and contemporary gardening movements in Germany and to the tentative approaching of this issue from a semantic perspective. The latter is due to the usage of many different terms mostly as yet undefined in a legal sense. Translation into English or, most likely, to any other language, further blurs the common understanding of the terms used. The author concludes with some considerations on these gardening movements in relation to urban sustainable developments. A presentation at the 5th Rencontres Internationals de Reims on Sustainability Studies, dedicated to Urban Agriculture - Fostering the Urban-Rural Continuum, which took place in October 2015 in Reims/France was the starting point of this article. The basis of this article is a literature review, nourished to a certain extent by observations randomly made over many years and complemented through talks with competent young colleagues. Special thanks go to Martin Sondermann, Leibniz University Hannover, who shared his research experience in various discussions with the author, as well as to Friederike Stelter, internship student at the author's place of work, who gave highly appreciated support to the preparation of the presentation.
Background: A growing literature investigates health effects of the recent economic crisis. This study examines how different economic mechanisms affected low self-rated health (SRH) in Europe over the crisis period (2008-2011). We measure changes in low SRH over 2008-2011 and analyze how they are accounted for by changes in household income levels and income distribution (income poverty, income inequality), labour market developments (increasing unemployment, falling employment, changes in labour market inactivity), and non-income poverty (material deprivation). Methods: We use balanced panel data for 2008–2011 covering 26 European countries and 43,456 participants. The data come from longitudinal 2011 European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) database. Increases in low SRH incidence over time are decomposed into the contributions of changes in the distribution of covariates and changes in returns to the covariates. Main covariates include household income and its distribution, labour market developments, and non-income poverty (material deprivation). The decompositions are performed using a detailed non-linear multivariate regression-based decomposition methodology. Results: Low SRH incidence increased in Europe during the crisis by almost 2 percentage points, and by 3.7 percentage points in case of the Baltic countries. Decomposition analysis shows that: 1) decreasing household incomes and changing income distribution had no impact on low SRH incidence, 2) rise of material deprivation accounts for a significant portion (12%) of the overall growth in low SRH rates (27% for the Baltic countries), 3) decreasing levels of full-time and part-time employment as well as transitions to unemployment, economic inactivity, disability, or retirement account jointly for about 21% of the rise in low SRH in Europe (73% for Baltic countries). Conclusion: Together, the recession-related economic factors account for about 33% of the increase in low SRH incidence in Europe during the crisis, and for about 100% of the increase in the Baltic countries. Public health policy during recessions should focus also on reducing material deprivation through free or subsidized access to public services, public housing, and other means.
The understanding of child sacrifice requires the broader understanding of the history, context of and rationale for the concept of sacrifice in all its forms including human sacrifice. Historically, sacrifices were made to atone for sins or wrong-doing and to ask for blessings. The forgiveness was for or blessings included but were not limited to material wealth (particularly land, domestic animals and other tangible possessions), children, health, and prosperity. In spite of the variations in understanding sacrifice, common to all is the underlying guiding principle of the value for value. It means the higher the value of the blessings to be sought or wrongs to be atoned, the higher the value of the sacrificial item. Overtime, this principle has been expressed in varied forms including human sacrifice, in general, and child sacrifice, in particular. These practices are closely associated with dominant cultural value systems that people hold in relation to what is important in life and how to get it. Despite economic progress of economies characterised by sophisticated wealth computations, predictions and protection through insurance, sacrifices remain part of the social fabric for solicitation, utilisation, maintenance and protection of wealth. This chapter, therefore, broadly analyses and explains the role of economic structures and institutions on society and the influence of society on the nature of economic structures and institutions. Though there is no established scientific basis for a correlation between human sacrifice and wealth acquisition, the sacrificial items are goods of high economic value and they bring economic returns to those involved in their exchange. It is important to explain how economic wealth creates and is further re-created by sacrifices, particularly, human sacrifice. Human sacrifice is strongly dominated by child sacrifices which are believed to be without blemish and of higher atoning value. Any attempt to destroy the practice of human and child sacrifice for wealth acquisition must first destroy the dominant cultural mentalities or values systems on which they are based.
'This publication is a direct result of an earlier scoping study undertaken for the ESRC's Research Resources Board which investigated the potential for creating a new longitudinal database of individuals and households for the period 1851 to 1901 - the Victorian Panel Study (VPS). The basic concept of the VPS is to create a unique longitudinal database of individuals and households for Great Britain spanning the period 1851-1901. The proposed VPS project raises a number of methodological and logistical challenges, and it is these which are the focus of this publication. The basic idea of the VPS is simple in concept. It would take as its base the individuals and households recorded in the existing ESRC-funded computerised national two per cent sample of the 1851 British census, created by Professor Michael Anderson, and trace these through subsequent registration and census information for the fifty-year period to 1901. The result would be a linked database with each census year between 1851 and 1901 in essence acting as a surrogate 'wave', associated with information from registration events that occurred between census years. Although the idea of a VPS can be expressed in this short and simple fashion, designing and planning it, together with identifying and justifying the resources necessary to create it, is a complex set of tasks, and it is these which this publication seeks to address. The primary aims and objectives of the project described in this publication were essentially as follows: to estimate the potential user demand for a VPS and examine the uses to which it may be put; to test the suitability of the existing 1851 census sample as an appropriate starting point for a VPS; to test differing sampling and methodological issues; to investigate record-linkage strategies; to investigate the relationship between the VPS and other longitudinal data projects (both contemporary and historical); and to recommend a framework and strategy for creating a full VPS. The structure and contents of this publication follow this basic project plan.' (author's abstract)
As a result of the current processes of transformation, Moscow is changing to become a services metropolis of market economy character with a lively city. The opening up of the economy and the development of the property market lead to a monetary (money) evaluation and dynamic process of city structures. A small, differentiated location pattern with very different quality features developed in the city of Moscow. The historic city structures and the "socialist city centre" appear in this context as persistent elements of the region with decisive influences on the process of city formation. On the basis of the mapping of a p art of the Moscow city centre, it was possible to depict the functional and regional structural change of the Moscow city centre using one example. The district in question is the North-Western sector of the city centre on both sides of the Tverskaya Road. The transformation of the city district could be determined on the basis of numerous indicators. Extensive activities were observed in the field of redevelopment and new construction, in the development of office and business centres and the settlement of exclusive (elitist) retail trade. In general, the district has a very complex structure which would allow for the assumption of a division of labour between the various location types. This is particularly true of the monumental axes and ring roads on the one hand and their "hinterlands" on the other hand. A retail trade structure, designed to suit the needs of mass purchasing, with a decisive differentiation of branches along the major axes, whereas exclusive, specialised retail trade outlets have settled in some areas of the "hinterlands" with principally pre-revolutionary building structures. The neighbourhood of the major axes and the more detailed differentiated "hinterlands" in central location promote the magnet effects of an attractive city. The structures and hierarchies of location quality in the city centre, which are typical of metropolis, are forming in the city centre.
In the first edition of the Handbook, published in 1994, we as editors ventured the judgment that, in the previous 15 years, economic sociology had enjoyed a remarkable renaissance, following on a season of relative quiescence. This led us to believe that the time was ripe for a consolidating publication that told about the past, assessed the present, and looked toward the future. The decade following that volume's appearance seemed to validate those assessments, if the amount of critical attention given, sizable and sustained sales, and course adoptions are taken as measures. If anything, the book's fortunes surpassed our expectations. Furthermore, the momentum of economic sociology as an enterprise has accelerated in the meantime. The quality and quantity of research have remained high; new and young talent continues to flow into the field; sociology departments in half a dozen or more leading research universities have established centers of excellence in economic sociology; courses in economic sociology have become standard fare in the curricula of most colleges and universities; and a section on economic sociology has formed and now thrives in the American Sociological Association. All these circumstances have convinced us that a second, fully updated edition of the Handbook is needed, and we are more confident of this judgment than we were the first time around. While the first edition still contains much of value to scholars and students, the knowledge it contains has in some cases been superseded by advances in the meantime. To take these into account—and also to accelerate the development of economic sociology— we had to undertake a wholesale revamping of the first edition. Fully two-thirds of the chapters in this second edition are either new or have authors different from those in the first. Despite this transformation, we found that the general intellectual architecture of the first edition remained a good organizing framework for the second. Thus, part I (chapters 1–6) is a series of general considerations of the field from a variety of different perspectives; part II (chapters 7–21), which we call the economic core, deals with economic systems, economic institutions, and economic behavior behavior. Part III (chapters 22–30) concerns a number of intersections among the economy and various noneconomic sectors of the society. Within this general frame the reader will find the following substantial thematic changes: • Two chapters on international and global concerns (contrasted with the single chapter in the first edition), with international aspects covered in other chapters as well • A chapter on behavioral economics, which continues as a vibrant subfield of economics • A chapter by Pierre Bourdieu on economic anthropology; Bourdieu had agreed to write such a chapter but his untimely death in 2002 prevented this; still wishing to have him represented, we are printing the English translation of "Principes d'une anthropologie économique," which is published on pp. 233–70 in Les structures sociales de l'économie (Paris: Seuil, 2000) • A chapter on new lines of institutional analysis in economics and sociology • A chapter on the transitions from socialist economies (replacing the earlier chapter on socialist economies themselves) • A chapter on labor markets and trade unions • A chapter on the sociology of work and the professions • A chapter on culture and consumption • A chapter on the sociology of money and credit • A chapter on law and the economy • A chapter on technology and the economy • A chapter on emotions and the economy We regard these changes as reflecting recent shifts in emphasis and active lines of research in economic sociology. We now provide a brief supplement to the table of contents, intended as a guide to readers wishing to delve selectively into the volume according to their specific interests. For those interested in learning about the scope of sociology we recommend chapter 1 ("Introducing Economic Sociology"). The remainder of part I contains chapters on comparative and historical treatments of economy and society in chapter 2 ("Comparative and Historical Approaches to Economic Sociology," by Frank Dobbin), recent developments in institutional analysis of the economy in chapter 3 ("The New Institutionalisms in Economics and Sociology" by Victor Nee), Pierre Bourdieu's critical anthropological formulations in chapter 4 ("Principles of an Economic Anthropology"), developments in behavioral economics, which has made its main business the modification of the psychological assumptions of neoclassical economics and tracing the implications of these modifications (chapter 5, "Behavioral Economics," by Roberto Weber and Robyn Dawes), and an assessment of the scattered literature on the role that emotions play in economic life (chapter 6, "Emotions and the Economy," by Mabel Berezin). The first section of part II takes a look at sociological aspects of economies at the macroscopic— including the global—level. We introduce the section with the chapter by Ian Morris and J. G. Manning on the economic sociology of the classical civilizations of Egypt, Greece, and Rome (chapter 7, "The Economic Sociology of the Ancient Mediterranean World"). Next comes a general chapter on the international economy (chapter 8, "The Global Economy: Organization Governance, and Development," by Gary Gereffi), and one on its governance (chapter 9, "The Political and Economic Sociology of International Economic Arrangements," by Neil Fligstein). Finally, Lawrence King and Iván Szelényi develop a distinctive perspective on the varieties of transition from socialist to post-socialist economies (chapter 10, "Post-Communist Economic Systems"). The second section of part II—"The Sociology of Economic Institutions and Economic Behavior"— reaches to the heart of economic activity itself. The section begins with three chapters on markets, the core economic institutions. Richard Swedberg (chapter 11, "Markets in Society") treats the subject from a sociological and historical point of view. Wolfgang Streeck (chapter 12, "The Sociology of Labor Markets and Trade Unions") concentrates on the market for labor services, and Linda Brewster Stearns and Mark Mizruchi (chapter 13, "Banking and Financial Markets") deal with a range of markets that have only recently commanded significant sociological attention. The sociology of the production side of the economic process is the topic of Andrew Abbott's contribution (chapter 14, "Sociology of Work and Occupations"). Viviana Zelizer explores the diversity of ways in which cultural factors infuse consumption (chapter 15, "Culture and Consumption"), and Bruce Carruthers synthesizes past and present literature on the social aspects of money and credit (chapter 16, "The Sociology of Money and Credit"). Two additional chapters deal with the less formal aspects of economic life. The important work on networks in the economy is covered in chapter 17 ("Networks and Economic Life," by Laurel Smith-Doerr and Walter Powell); and the complex and seemingly contradictory nature of the informal economy is analyzed in chapter 18 ("The Informal Economy," by Alejandro Portes and William Haller). The third secion of part II—"The Sociology of Firms, Organizations, and Industry"—draws mainly from organization theory and general economic sociology. Mark Granovetter updates and reassesses the character of business groups in a comparative context (chapter 19, "Business Groups and Social Organization"). Howard Aldrich examines the nature of entrepreneurial activity and entrepreneurs in chapter 20 ("Entrepreneurship"), and Gerald Davis examines a number of environments of business firms—especially other business firms—in chapter 21 ("Firms and Environments"). Part III—"Intersections of the Economy"— deals with the mutual penetration of economic activity and many "noneconomic" sectors of society. Three chapters address the most important aspects of the economy and the polity. The first is on the state in general (chapter 22, "The State and the Economy," by Fred Block and Peter Evans). Lauren Edelman and Robin Stryker focus on law as a special aspect of state activity (chapter 23, "A Sociological Approach to Law and the Economy"), while Evelyne Huber and John Stephens assess recent developments in the welfare state and a number of assessments of those developments (chapter 24, "Welfare States and the Economy"). Two additional chapters deal with economic intersections with the institutions of education (chapter 25, "Education and the Economy," by Mary Brinton) and religion (chapter 26, "New Directions in the Study of Religion and Economic Life," by Robert Wuthnow). Chapters 27 ("Gender and Economic Sociology," by Paula England and Nancy Folbre) and 28 ("The Ethnic Economy," by Ivan Light) deal with the embeddedness of the socially constructed dimensions of gender and ethnicity in economic life. The volume is rounded out by a chapter on technology (chapter 29, "Technology and the Economy," by Giovanni Dosi, Luigi Orsenigo, and Mauro Sylos Labini), and one on economic- environmental relations (chapter 30, "The Economy and the Environment," by Allan Schnaiviii berg). Both these final topics have significant international aspects. We conclude with the hope that the stocktaking of economic sociology contained in this Handbook, as well as its attempts to drive the field forward by selecting a few new important areas, will be successful. Economic sociology, we are convinced, currently represents one of the leading edges of sociology, as well as one of its most important interdisciplinary adventures.
In this analysis of the retold experiences of 27 survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia, the aim is to describe the informants' portrayal of "war violence", "sexual war violence", "victimhood", and "reconciliation" as a social phenomenon as well as analyzing the discursive patterns that contribute to constructing the category "victim" and "perpetrator". The violence practice during the war is portrayed as organized and ritualized and this creates a picture that the violence practice became a norm in the society, rather than the exception. When, after the war, different categories claim a "victim" status, it sparks a competition for victimhood. All informants are eager to present themselves as victims while at the same time the other categories' victim status are downplayed. The stories of reconciliation are connected to the past; the interactive consequences of war-time violence are intimately linked to the narrator's war experiences. The interviewees distance themselves from some individuals or described situations. It is common that the portrayal of possible reconciliation is transformed into a depicted implacable attitude, thus the interviewees negotiate their stances: they articulate between reconciliation and implacability statements. This study shows that after the war in Bosnia, the interpretations of biographical consequences of violence are intimately connected to previous war experiences. Narratives on the phenomenon "war violence" and "sexual war violence" depict a decay of pre-war social order. The use of violence during the war is described as organized and ritualized, which implies that the use of violence became a norm in society, rather than the exception. The narratives on the phenomenon "war violence" produce and reproduce the image of human suffering and slaughter. Those subjected to violence are portrayed in a de-humanized fashion and branded as suitable to be exposed to it. In these stories, morally correct actions are constructed as a contrast to the narratives on war violence. In these descriptions, the perpetrator is depicted as a dangerous, evil, and ideal enemy. He is portrayed as a real and powerful yet alien criminal who is said to pose a clear threat to the social order existing before the war. The narratives on wartime violence, war perpetrators, and those subjected to violence during war are enhanced with symbolicism of ritualized ethnic violence ("cockade," "chetnik," "Serb," "Muslim," "warlord"). On one hand, the narrators make an ethnic generalization based on the differences between the ethnic categorizations; on the other hand, they present their own physical existence and ethnic identity and that of those subjected to violence as being threatened by the violent situation. The disintegration of the existing, pre-war social order produces and reproduces a norm resolution that enables the ritualized war-time use of violence. This development allows the normalization of war violence in this time period even though the result, as this study shows, means human suffering and the slaughter of humans. This study presents this development in society ambivalently, as both allowed and normatively correct (during the war) and as prohibited and condemned (primarily in retrospect, in post-war narratives). It seems as if the category "war violence" and "sexual war violence" means different things depending on whether it happened during war or not, whether it is retold or observed, and who is telling the story. For some persons, violence targeting civilians during the war is an act of heroism. The Holocaust during World War Two was in many cases highly efficient and industrialized; the typical goal was to kill from a distance, impersonally. Researchers have noted that those who climbed the ranks to leadership positions or were in charge at concentration camps seemed to have engaged in very personal, sadistic acts in Germany during WWII. Is there an interaction of rank/power in wartime and level of motivation/energy input required for violence (ie, those in charge require less energy input because of the factors that put them in charge in the first place)? The stories and phrasing in this paper emphasize a distant, evil, and/or powerful leader who motivates the crowd (perhaps in part by symbolically reducing an ethnic target to something like a dog or rat) or gives orders, with the distinction from Holocaust violence that the leaders in these stories were neighbors, etc., of those they were harming and killing. In general contrast, the war violence in Bosnia was more broadly characterized by the individualized use of violence, in which the perpetrators often knew those subjected to violence. The stories reveal that firearms were seldom used; instead, the weapons were baseball bats or knives. These features can be compared to examples of violence in Rwanda, where the violence was more similar (and even more "savage") to that in my material than the typical examples of industrialized extermination violence of World War Two. The perpetrators in this study are often portrayed as people who enjoyed humiliating, battering, murdering, and inflicting pain in different ways. This characterization is a contrast to Collins (2008), who suggests that soldiers are not good in acting out close violence and that individuals are mostly inclined to consensus and solidarity. An explanation, in my study, of the soldiers' actions can be that soldiers in a war are pressured into being brave in close combat, the aim being to reign over the Others, the enemy. During war, enemies are targets of violence, to be subjected to it and neutralized. Soldiers and police in northwestern Bosnia were not close to any battlefield, and civilians thus were framed in the enemy role. By exposing civilians to violence, soldiers proved their supremacy over the enemy even when the enemy was an abstract type, unarmed and harmless. Another explanation might be found in the degree of mobilization and emotional charge that occurred before the war, through the demonization of the enemy. People were probably brutalized through this process. Those interpersonal interactions that caused the violence continue even after the violent situation is over. Recollections from perpetrators and those subjected to violence of the war do not exist only as verbal constructions in Bosnia of today. Stories about violent situations live their own lives after the war and continue being important to individuals and social life. Individuals who were expelled from northwestern Bosnia during the war in the 1990s are, in a legal sense, in a recognized violence-afflicted victim category. They suffered crimes against humanity, including most types of violent crimes. Several perpetrators were sentenced by the Hague Tribunal and the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime. The crimes committed in northwestern Bosnia are qualified as genocide according to indictments against former Serbian leaders Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. All of the interviewees in this study experienced and survived the war in northwestern Bosnia. These individuals have a present, ongoing relation with these communities: Some live there permanently, and some spend their summers in northwestern Bosnia. An analysis of the processing of experienced or described violent situations in a society that exists as a product of a series of violent acts during the war must be conducted in parallel both at the institutional and individual levels. Institutions in the administrative entity Republika Srpska deny genocide, and this approach to war-time events becomes a central theme in future, post-war analysis of the phenomena "war violence," "sexual war violence", "victimhood," and "reconciliation". The existence of Republika Srpska is based on genocide committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, it is very important to analyze the political elite's denial of the systematic acts of violence during the war that have been conveyed by the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime, and Bosnian media. The narratives in my empirical material seem to be influenced by (or coherent with) the rhetoric mediated in these fora. When informants emphasize extermination and the systematization of violence during the war, they produce and reproduce the image of a mutual struggle on a collective level. The aim of this struggle seems to be that the described acts of violence be recognized as genocide. Another interesting aspect of the phenomenon "war violence," "victimhood," and "reconciliation" to be examined in a future analysis, regards the stories of perpetrators describing violent situations. Conversations with these actors and an analysis of their stories might add a nuanced perspective of the phenomenon "war violence," "victimhood," and "reconciliation". Another question that emerged during my work on this article is, What importance is given to stories told by the perpetrator of violence and those subjected to violence in the development of a post-war society? I believe it is of great importance to study stories in both categories. By recounting their stories, those subjected to violence could obtain recognition and some degree of self-esteem and the perpetrators be given a chance to explain to themselves and others, display shame over their actions, and possibly restore their social status. Without this type of process, those who are subjected to violence risk a life without recognition, and the perpetrators risk being permanently bound by their war-time actions, a clearly unstable foundation for the future development of a post-war society.
International audience This study investigates U.S. churches' response to the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic by looking at their public Facebook posts. For religious organizations, in-person gatherings are at the heart of their activities. Yet religious in-person gatherings have been identified as some of the early hot spots of the pandemic, but there has also been controversy over the legitimacy of public restrictions on such gatherings. Our sample contains information on church characteristics and Facebook posts for nearly 4000 churches that posted at least once in 2020. The share of churches that offer an online church activity on a given Sunday more than doubled within two weeks at the beginning of the pandemic (the first half of March 2020) and stayed well above baseline levels. Online church activities are positively correlated with the local pandemic situation at the beginning, but uncorrelated with most state interventions. After the peak of the first wave (mid April), we observe a slight decrease in online activities. We investigate heterogeneity in the church responses and find that church size and worship style explain differences consistent with churches facing different demand and cost structures. Local political voting behavior, on the other hand, explains little of the variation. Descriptive analysis suggests that overall online activities, and the patterns of heterogeneity, remain unchanged through end-November 2020.
We use weekly data from 79 Russian regions to measure the impact of economic shocks and proximity to war in Ukraine on social capital in Russian regions. We proxy social capital by the relative intensity of internet searches for the most salient dimensions of pro-social behavior such as "donate blood", "charity", "adopt a child" etc. This measure of social capital is correlated with a survey-based measure of generalized social trust. Our search-based measure of social capital responds negatively to the spikes of inflation and positively to the intensity of the conflict in Ukraine (controlling for region and week fixed effects).
We use weekly data from 79 Russian regions to measure the impact of economic shocks and proximity to war in Ukraine on social capital in Russian regions. We proxy social capital by the relative intensity of internet searches for the most salient dimensions of pro-social behavior such as "donate blood", "charity", "adopt a child" etc. This measure of social capital is correlated with a survey-based measure of generalized social trust. Our search-based measure of social capital responds negatively to the spikes of inflation and positively to the intensity of the conflict in Ukraine (controlling for region and week fixed effects).
Der Beitrag wendet sich der Frage des Zusammenhangs von Sicherheit und architektonischer und städtebaulicher Gestaltung zu. Historisch sind die Funktionen europäischer Städtegründungen unter anderem darauf zurückzuführen, dass sie Sicherheit gewährleisten konnten. Über Stadtmauern und den Wehrdienst der Stadtbewohner ('Spießbürger') konnten befestigte Städte ('Festungen') besser verteidigt werden als alleinstehende Gebäude. Die Sicherheit der Stadt forderte soziales Engagement, bot aber allen Bürgern vermehrten Schutz. In der modernen Stadt werden urbane Ordnungs- und Sicherheitsstrukturen von Spezialisten hergestellt (z.B. Polizei, Gesundheitsamt, Sozial- und Ordnungsamt, öffentlichen Versorgern, Schul- und Verkehrswesen). Mit diesen Strukturen gewinnt der urbane 'Disziplinarapparat' neue Formen. Die Kriminalsoziologie war lange Zeit gleichgültig gegenüber Fragen der Raumgestaltung. Neuere Ansätze zeigen jedoch eine Vielzahl an Möglichkeiten, wie Kriminalitätswahrscheinlichkeit abgesenkt werden kann - insbesondere, indem soziale Kontrolle ('territoriale Interessengemeinschaft') durch bauliche Maßnahmen gefördert wird. Die Anordnung und Größe der Häuser und Siedlungen, die Strukturierung der Zu- und Aufgänge, Anordnung der Fenster, durchdachte Platzierung von Abstellflächen, Baumbewuchs und 'Grenzmarkierungen' kann visuell geschützte Räume entstehen lassen, die den Fremden auffällig werden lassen und das Auftreten krimineller Handlungen verringern können. Der Beitrag weist darauf hin, dass diese baulichen Maßnahmen von einem Management der Quartiere begleitet werden sollten, also von einer sozialen Einbindung der Bewohner in Verantwortlichkeit für ihr Wohnumfeld. 'Aufgegebene' Wohnviertel zeigen eine höhere Kriminalität ('Broken window'-Theorie) als gut integrierteWohnumgebungen. Wird dies nicht berücksichtigt, könnenStadtviertel in Kriminalität abgleiten - umso mehr, als dann gut integrierte und situierte Familien und Bürgerin andere Stadtteile abwandern - und ehemals stabile soziale Strukturen durch den Nachzug von sozial schwachenBewohnern weiter untergraben werden. (ICB)
