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In South Asia, the public relations departments of the Indian and Pakistani
governments have been playing a critical role in the making of broadcast regulation
policies and enactment of media laws, which helped successive governments and
bureaucracies intervene in the business and functioning of the companies
providing electronic media services to millions of people in the region. The
regulatory processes and enactment of laws governing electronic media help public
relations departments of various regional governments maintain their control
over the content and routine operations of media organizations. This article
examines why and how bureaucratic powers have hampered the process of
broadcast regulation in India and Pakistan. The comparison is heuristically
significant despite social and political differences between Pakistan and India,
as both countries have inherited similar laws governing broadcasting from the
British colonial rule and most of the pre-partition regulations are still in place.
The article concludes that a great deal of political effort is required to establish
independent regulatory authorities in both countries due to the overarching control
of bureaucracies in both societies.

I was pleased to accept editor Laura Sare's invitation to introduce myself and to encourage everyone to join in our continued advocacy for libraries' government information services. I am assistant director of government relations on ALA's Public Policy and Advocacy unit, based in ALA's Washington, DC, office. I have lead ALA's work on government information policy since starting in that role in 2017.

"A condensed version.was published in February 1944 under the title The power industry and the public interest." ; Mode of access: Internet.

At head of title: 90th Congress, 1st session. Committee print. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This entry has been realised in the framework of the H2020-MSCA-RISE-2018 project "LoGov - Local Government and the Changing Urban-Rural Interplay". LoGov aims to provide solutions for local governments that address the fundamental challenges resulting from urbanisation. To address this complex issue, 18 partners from 17 countries and six continents share their expertise and knowledge in the realms of public law, political science, and public administration. LoGov identifies, evaluates, compares, and shares innovative practices that cope with the impact of changing urban-rural relations in five major local government areas: (1) local responsibilities and public services, (2) local financial arrangements, (3) structure of local government, (4) intergovernmental relations of local governments, and (5) people's participation in local decision-making. The present entry addresses intergovernmental relations of local governments in Spain. The entry forms part of the LoGov Report on Spain. To access the full version of the report on Spain, other practices regarding intergovernmental relations of local governments and to receive more information about the project, please visit: https://www.logov-rise.eu/. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 823961.

Both the structure of the Constitution and elementary civics texts imagine an Executive Branch under the close, unitary control of an elected chief executive, the President. Doubtless from the start, and unmistakably in the administrative state, the reality has been quite different. Those to whom Congress has delegated authority to act, particularly in that domain that we have in mind when invoking a "government of laws," conduct their business within a web more aptly described as coordination than control. In regulatory matters, the coordinating impulses run through the Department of Justice ("DOJ") and, increasingly, the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs ("OIRA") of the presidential Office of Management and Budget ("OMB"). Perhaps as strongly, coordination may result from the regulators and their lawyers understanding themselves to be part of a single government. Yet, both within the DOJ and within any given agency, distortions of perspective that are the product of an actor's task, or perhaps even personal ambition, can complicate its achievement. And institutions for forcing consideration of broader, more inclusive visions are few. What follows is an effort to explore some of these problems, drawing on personal experience as a government attorney often faced by what seemed failures or distortions in attempted coordination. From 1975 to 1977, I was privileged to serve as General Counsel to the spanking new United States Nuclear Regulatory Commission ("NRC"). The NRC was an independent regulatory commission created out of one rib of the Atomic Energy Commission. Its very newness and the special character of its responsibilities created opportunities to consider the legal relations within executive government that remain timely sources of concern two decades later. Three vignettes, all involving relations with government attorneys in other offices, will suggest some dimensions of the problem.

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- Part I: Conceptual and Analytic Frameworks -- Chapter 2 Federalism in the Era of Aboriginal Self-Government -- Chapter 3 Government Obligations, Aboriginal Peoples and Section 91(24) -- Chapter 4 Fiscal Arrangements for Aboriginal Self-Government -- Part II: Existing Federal and Provincial Responsibilities -- Chapter 5 High Politics is Not Enough: Policies and Programs for Aboriginal Peoples in Alberta and Ontario -- Chapter 6 Federal and Provincial Responsibilities for the Cree, Naskapi and Inuit Under the James Bay and Northern Quebec, and Northeastern Quebec Agreements -- Chapter 7 Federal and Provincial Responsibility in the Metis Settlements of Alberta -- Chapter 8 Federal/Provincial Responsibility and the Sechelt -- Part III: Challenges and Conclusions -- Chapter 9 Respective Roles and Responsibilities of Federal and Provincial Governments Regarding the Aboriginal Peoples of Canada -- Chapter 10 Conclusion -- The Contributors.

This article presents some aspects o f political relations between the Polish government and the Norwegian government in years 1940-45 when both governments were in exile in London. The author emphasizes that Polish-Norwegian relations in the period of war were quite tough, full of tensions, misunderstandings and journalistic incidents. While remaining in London, both governments rejected to recognize one another as the significant partners. They encountered different political problems, so the close cooperation between them was doomed from the start. In the conclusions the author underlines that relations with the Soviet Union appeared to be fundamental for Norwegian foreign policy. The Norwegian government was unwilling to cooperate with Poland, as it could have threatened the good relations Norway had with the Soviet Union. Besides Norway felt closer to Great Britain and the United States, whereas Polish plans referred to the cooperation of small countries. That is why their diplomatic relations had rather formal than real character.

The research shows that the government's role in activating the venture capital market occurs through direct and indirect public policy measures. The government plays an important role in choosing the most optimal public policy measures, focusing on timely economic issues, and in encouraging private investors to invest in industrial sectors where funding shortfall is the greatest.Studies have shown that the establishment of government sponsored venture capital funds (hereinafter GSVC funds) funds is justified by the following reasons: GSVC funds are an alternative source of capital funding for Small and Medium Sized Enterprises (hereinafter SMEs), they encourage innovation and are focused on job creation and economic growth.The present paper deals with the government's role in fostering the government-sponsored venture capital funds particularly focusing on the impact of such funds on innovations in SMEs in Lithuania.The research shows that it is appropriate to clarify the concept of GSVC funds, focusing on the role of supranational institutions in the establishment of these funds. Thus, GSVC funds in this paper refer to funds accumulated from private investors and public resources (government, as well as other supranational institutions such as the EU), which invest in high growth potential SMEs in their early growth and development stages in order to improve their development conditions in a particular region or country.The scientific literature research shows that the impact of venture capital on the innovations in SMEs is measured mainly in terms of patents (Chemmanur, Loutskina, & Tian, 2012; Brander et al., 2010; Bertoni & Tykvová, 2012). Thus, it reflects only one – the technological – side of innovations. Meanwhile, considering innovations as multifaceted conception, the organizational innovations, networking, self-assessment and marketing innovations aspects should be taken into account as well.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.em.19.1.5802

A long-standing issue in politics and administration is how politicians and bureaucrats perceive themselves in their roles and relationships with their counterpart in the process of governance and development and which factors affect or configure the orientation or perception of the politicians and bureaucrats regarding politics-bureaucracy relationship in the political system. Like many other developed and developing countries, bureaucracy is the post-colonial reality of governance in Bangladesh. The elected politicians and non-elected official bureaucrats are the integral part of the administration in both the central and local government in Bangladesh. Probably the most elemental and theoretical debatable issue here is that - what will be the apt relationship between politicians and bureaucrats? And what are the relational effects on local governance and development? Thus, this inquiry empirically investigated the views and perceptions of the elected politicians and official bureaucrats to politics-bureaucracy relations and its effects on governance and development of Bangladesh in the context of local governance and development following the survey and case study methods. This study endeavored to undertake a theory based empirical research to figure out the theoretical paradigmatic perspectives from the existing literature on politics-bureaucracy relationship and an attempt has been made to identify "dichotomy" and "mutuality" as the major two models of the theoretical perspective by discussing the key variations and effectual deficiencies among the existing models, providing the argument that existing theoretical models are not identical and their characteristics are overlapping with either dichotomy or mutuality. Consequently, it also wanted to propose a logical modification of the existing relationship models by explaining some underpinning variables which underpin the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats in the process of governance. This study tried to develop a prospective third model of politics-bureaucracy relations focusing the light on symbiotic relationship between politicians and bureaucrats that is argued in this thesis as an interface between dichotomous and mutual relation, and an essential precondition or rational choice model of politics-bureaucracy relations for proper local governance and development as the theoretical construct. The empirical data and observation reveals that the theoretical models that already been discussed in the theoretical and conceptual framework cannot be found exactly in the context of politics-bureaucracy relations at the local government of Bangladesh. According to the perceptions of respondents and the empirical data, the relation is neither normatively dichotomous with political neutrality nor abundantly cohesive or mutual-interactive. However, some conditions of both dichotomy and mutuality are present in the relationship of local elected politicians and bureaucrats. In spite of that, empirical data reveals that the relation between local elected politicians and bureaucrats is conflicting and it is influenced by many components. The role perceptions and the patterns of relationships varies with the degree of social characteristics, alignment of interests, role perceptions, self-image and mutual interaction between local elected politicians and the official bureaucrats, which ultimately influence the level of local governance and development. The colonial and semi-colonial legacy, dominant attitude of the politicians and bureaucrats, politicization, distinctive self-image and mutual interaction are highly associated to the conflictual relationship. Moreover, the increased fusion of the political and administrative roles of the bureaucracy has complicated the perceptions of the bureaucracy in Bangladesh. The results of the empirical observation and statistical analysis demonstrate that the relational perceptions of politicians and bureaucrats are almost opposite and bureaucrats trend to dominate local governance and development by marginalizing the local elected politicians and thus conflict occurred between them which ultimately affect local governance and development significantly. In this milieu, this research propose the symbiotic model of relation that would be the rational choice for proper governance and development as the necessary conditions of symbiotic model are existing in the perspective of politics-bureaucracy relations at the local government in Bangladesh.

Abstract. As an archipelago, Indonesia is very vulnerable by the impact ofclimate change. Indonesia's ability on mitigation and adapting to climate changeis not as advanced as developed countries yet. Climate change is a global issuewhether as a main principal or connected with Sustainable Development Goals,involving complex system; social interactions, economy, environment andinstitutional system.Indonesia's Ministry of Environment and Forestry has been managing climatechange mitigation and adaptation. Despite its significance of institutionalchange, from Climate Change National Council to the Ministry Office, t is stilltough to deliver Climate Change mitigation and adaptation through governmentpublicrelations strategy to support one of Sustainable Development Goals .This paper aims to answer major research questions; (1) To what extent do keyclimate change mitigation and adaptation are disseminated by GovernmentPublic Relations, (2) to find out how government's public relations strategiesexecuting mitigation and climate change adaption for sustainable developmentgoals. Using qualitative approach with case study method, data interpreting andcollecting step uses qualitative approach through in depth interview withDirectorate General of Climate Change Control and Government PublicRelations Office of the Ministry of Environment and Forestry, and President'srepresentatives to World Climate Change Forums.

Publication date stamped on cover. ; "B-146285." ; "GGD-75-77." ; Cover title. ; [v.1.] [Summary report].--Enclosure A. Churchill County, Nevada.--Enclosure B. Clarke County, Mississippi.--Enclosure C. Holt County, Nebraska.--Enclosure D. Jefferson County, Alabama.--Enclosure E. Lake County, Oregon.--Enclosure F. Los Angeles County, California.--Enclosure G. Polk County, Florida.--Enclosure H. Wayne County, Michigan.--Enclosure I. Westchester County, New York.--Enclosure J. Worcester County, Massachusetts.--Enclosure K. Boston, Massachusetts.--Enclosure L. Brentwood Borough, Pennsylvania.--Enclosure M. Cleveland, Ohio.--Enclosure N. City and County of Denver, Colorado.---[v.2.] Enclosure O. Des Moines, Iowa.--Enclosure P. Los Angeles, California.--Enclosure Q. Milwaukee, Wisconsin.--Enclosure R. Newark, New Jersey.--Enclosure S. New Hope, Minnesota.--Enclosure T. New Orlens, Louisiana.--Enclosure U. Oakland, California.--Enclosure V. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.--Enclosure W. Redding, California.--Enclosure X. Saco, Maine.--Enclosure Y. Woodruff, South Carolina.--Enclosure Z. Pigeon Township, Indiana. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article analyzes the international relations of sub-State governments (IRSSG) in Mexico. It aims to answer five questions: 1) What explains the recent and dramatic increase in their international activities? 2) What is the impact of federalism on the foreign affairs of the federal units? 3) What are the levels or degrees of IRSSG and how have they changed over the last years? 4) How do Mexican federal units institutionalize their international activities? 5) What are the perceptions and capacities of the federal units in their internationalization process? The first section argues that the growth in the IRSSG is generated by growing interdependence and globalization in the international system, and democratization, decentralization and structural reform in the national arena. The second section sustains that the renewed Mexican federalism has generated the incentives for SSG to participate more intensively in international affairs. The third section defends that there is a wide variation in their degree of international participation, which is measured in three moments in time (2004 2009 and 2014), and explains how this activity has changed in the last decade. The fourth section studies the institutionalization of the IRSSG in Mexico through the analysis of Inter-Institutional Agreements (IIA). Finally, the last section concentrates in explaining the perceptions and capacities of Mexican sub-State governments to conduct international relations.