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By understanding populism as an "anti-" politics we can see two strands of populism: the anti-democratic strand which marginalizes certain groups of people and the anti-structural injustice strand coming from marginalized people. The potential of this anti-structural injustice activism encourages activists to expand their coalitional politics and government and philanthropic donors to see the import of funding and otherwise supporting work against structural injustice that explicitly takes on patriarchy and racism, among the full gamut of ideologies based on hierarchy and injustice.

Evo Morales' policies for decriminalizing coca farming in Bolivia conflicts strongly with U.S. drug policy and threatens to disqualify Bolivia for $100 million in U.S. aid. Likewise, Hugo Chavez has also come under criticism by the U.S. for not significantly cutting drug transportation through Venezuela. The successes of both these populist leaders are inspiring other populist movements in South America and further hindering U.S. policies which work against the economic progress for regional coca farmers. References. E. Robinson

This article measures and discusses populism in Scandinavian immigration debate from 1970 to 2016. Using descriptive statistical analysis and logistical regression analysis, we analyze items related to immigration in six newspapers from the three countries over four constructed weeks for each of the 47 years under study, in total 4,329 coded newspaper articles. We find that populism spikes when immigration spikes due to international developments/crises. References to "the people," anti-elitism, exclusionist rhetoric, but also alarmist rhetoric about a state of emergency, are the most frequently appearing attributes. Second, country, newspaper genre, and party type of quoted politicians are clearly correlated with populism. Populism is much more likely to be found in Denmark, opinion genres, paticularly letters to the editor, when populist radical-right parties are either speaking or spoken about in the press, and in articles with threat frames. ; publishedVersion

AbstractThis paper conducts an experimental test of the theory of ideational populism in a most‐likely case: a well‐known Chilean populist presidential candidate, Roxana Miranda. At the time of our study, Chile had the necessary conditions for ideational populism: corruption scandals and a crisis of political representation that lowered citizens' trust in establishment elites. The stimulus was a speech that included the core elements of ideational populist discourse. Despite the careful experimental design and a ripe political atmosphere, we found no effects of populist discourse on voting intentions or evaluations of Miranda among the research participants. We discuss the possible reasons for these null findings. Rather than disqualifying the theory of ideational populism, we conclude that our research calls theorists to incorporate other elements – ideology, gender, issue positions, strategic voting – into their models of ideational populism.

The rise of populist movements in various parts of the world is widely perceived as a significant challenge to policymaking, mainstream political parties, and even to liberal democracy. Yet we know very little about the impact of populism on business, beyond the fact that the anti-elite challenge of populism frequently targets business with policies to restrict globalization, outsourcing, and labor migration while at the same time embracing capitalism, low taxes, and deregulated markets. Populists also glory in presenting themselves as authentic representatives of the people, symbolizing this in their demotic language, their rejection of standards of "polite" society and liberal "woke" values, including attacking core intermediary institutions such as independent central banks, the judiciary, the civil service, universities and expert knowledge, and a free press central to post-1945 versions of liberal democracy. When faced with these disruptions and the risks they pose for business, how does business respond? Does it choose to support or challenge populists in different countries? This volume advances the debate by providing empirical studies of the impact of right-wing populism on business. Finally, it considers whether populism will continue to be influential and how its success might impact business strategy and structure

texte de réflexion ayant donné lieu à différents articles plus développés à paraître en 2012 ; The populism was always connected with the democracy. Today more than ever these links are ambivalent and complex. The neo-populism of the spontaneous mobilizations of masses revives the valuation of politic violence and deconstructs the democracy while claiming. ; Le populisme a de tout temps eu partie liée avec la démocratie. Aujourd'hui plus que jamais ces liens sont ambivalents et complexes. Le néo-populisme des mobilisations spontanées de masses réactive la valorisation de la violence politique et déconstruit la démocratie tout en s'en revendiquant.

texte de réflexion ayant donné lieu à différents articles plus développés à paraître en 2012 ; The populism was always connected with the democracy. Today more than ever these links are ambivalent and complex. The neo-populism of the spontaneous mobilizations of masses revives the valuation of politic violence and deconstructs the democracy while claiming. ; Le populisme a de tout temps eu partie liée avec la démocratie. Aujourd'hui plus que jamais ces liens sont ambivalents et complexes. Le néo-populisme des mobilisations spontanées de masses réactive la valorisation de la violence politique et déconstruit la démocratie tout en s'en revendiquant.

Europeans are being replaced by foreign invaders, aided by cultural Marxists who are plotting an Islamist subversion of the continent. The Bilderberg group - and/or the Illuminati - are instating a totalitarian New World Order. Angela Merkel is the secret daughter of Adolf Hitler, Barack Obama was illegitimate, and George W. Bush was in on the 9/11 attacks. Also, the Holocaust is a hoax, members of Pussy Riot are agents of the West, and the European Union is resurrecting the Roman Empire, this time as a communist super-state. These are some of the tales that are told by populist political actors across Europe, were raised during the Brexit debate in the UK, and have been promoted by presidents of both the US and Russia. Rapid rise of populist political parties around Europe and across the Atlantic in the early new millennium coincided with the simultaneous increased spread of conspiracy theories. This book entangles the two tropes and maps how right-wing populists apply conspiracy theories to advance their politics and support for their parties.--

The recent elections in Greece reflects an enormous change in the political behavior of the electorate. The citizens have not chosen a simple switch on the power, but contributed with their votes to a strategic defeat of populism and in same time they paved the way for the search of a new type of leadership, which is close to realism in handling with social problems that can't be implemented with calculated
financial costs. The vote of 7 th Juli is a vote against the over-promising and underdelivery experienced under Syriza's rule. The voting for conservative ND is not an ideological choice. It's a choice that runs counter to the logic of falsely or hypocritical negotiating austerity measures opposed to Greece buy his Lenders (memorandum) and the consequent tax-tornado as a result of negotiating failure with the partners in the EEC and the IMF. The positive vote for ND also reflects the contradiction with the misguided manipulations of public opinion regarding the Skopje-Question and
finally the strategy of micro concessions and micro-allowances as a means of concluding a "political-social alliance" with an undefined hostile establishment.

Abstract
Although the nature and definition of populism are a source of considerable disagreement, there seems to be a minimal consensus by now that populism poses a number of threats to liberal democracy, and that public authorities should therefore act in defence of the latter. In searching for appropriate responses, however, most scholars draw from strategies for combatting anti-democratic or extremist parties, without considering the important differences between populist parties and these other political actors. We argue that the two central types of democratic defence—the 'intolerant' militant democratic defence and the 'tolerant' defence—do not offer satisfying responses to populist parties precisely because they were conceived and developed as responses to different phenomena. For public authorities to successfully address populism, responses need to contain its most egregious characteristics, yet salvage its productive side.

This article re-examines current definitions of populism, which portray it as either a powerful corrective to or the nemesis of liberal democracy. It does so by exploring a crucial but often neglected dimension of populism: its redemptive character. Populism is here understood to function according to the logic of resentment, which involves both socio-political indignation at injustice and envy or ressentiment. Populism promises redemption through regaining possession: of a lower status, a wounded identity, a diminished or lost control. Highly moralized images of the past – historical or archetypal – are mobilized by populist leaders to castigate the present and accelerate the urgency of change in it. The argument is illustrated with Caesar's Column, a futuristic novel written by the Minnesota populist leader Ignatius Donnelly. The complex and ambivalent structure of this dystopian novel – a textual source for the Populist Party manifesto in the 1890s, which stands in contrast with agrarian populism as everyday utopia – enables us to move beyond the polarized positions dominating the current debate. Reading Caesar's Column ultimately shows that populism can be both a corrective and a danger to democracy, but not for the reasons usually stated in the literature.