Suchergebnisse

This research is aimed at conducting "Evaluationof The Implementation of Probity Audit in the frameworkof Accountability of Public Sector Fund Management" against Government Agencies that have obligations and tupoksi to conduct probity audits. Methods applied in the discussion apply qualitative methods through the application of inpretive phenomenology. It is used by researchers in order to explore an individual's understanding of his environment and also to understand a person's perspective on a personal experience, especially related to the implementation of probity audits, especially those conducted by the Mojokerto City Inspectorate. The results that can be concludedare about the Probity Audit of procurement of goods and services carried out by the Mojokerto City Inspectorate so far is considered to still require a number of improvements seen from the three stages in the implementation of Probity Audit conducted, namely Planning, Implementation and Utilization of its Report. But the effectiveness of Probity Audit on the procurement of goods and services is considered very effective against public sector fund management accountability in view of the willingness and high awareness from the auditorship of the Mojokerto City Inspectorate and Local Government Organizations (OPD) for the benefits of Goods and Services audit probity activities that have until now been obtained. Keywords: Accountability, Procurement of Goods and Services, Probity Audit

The right of residence of children during education doesn't depend on keeping the status of worker by the parent, what is necessary in all other cases. This right doesn't depend on economic independence neither, although that is a general rule. Children have the right to education and also the right to be cared of by their parents or other relatives. It gives the right of residence to the adult which is also independent of the requirement of financial self-sufficiency. It also means a social assistance to be provided by the host country which is not limited by the criteria of unreasonable burden on the social assistance system of that country. The use of these rights may take many years (by the child to complete the education and by the adult until the child reaches the age of majority). What is more, after 5 years of legal residence it is possible to obtain a permanent residence permit or at least long-term resident status. The rights of workers' children have developed widely. Financial solidarity of European Union Member States has become a challenge then. However, children of self-employed persons are not in the same position as those being descendants of workers. Self-employed persons have been paying social security contributions and other applicable taxes during their economic activity. Thus they earned for their social assistance when needed. However their children during education are not privileged as much as children of EU workers.

Introduction: The article represents the author's interpretation of the actor composition of implementing information policy in modern Russia. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the main conditions of interaction between state and non-state structures of the Russian Federation in the process of determining priorities and strategies for ensuring information security in Russia. The problem of this research is actualized by increasing dependence of the mass communication domestic system on modern global geopolitical threats and foreign policy challenges. Russia and Russian society need a set of effective tools and methods to ensure the security and stability of the mass communication system. Methodology and methods: The main methodology of this study is the principles of the communicative approach (N. Wiener, C. Deutsch). Besides, the ideas about the technological core of political communication find their scientific and practical application (S.V. Volodenkov, M. Castells, S.V. Schwarzenberg). The analysis of the combination of public political communication and the processes of administrative-state management is based on the conclusions, which are contained in the articles of G. Lassuela and O.F. Shabrov. The empirical basis of the research is the public opinion polls of "Levada Center". Analysis: The modern world is increasingly differentiated by the degree of information richness: the more the country is informationally open, the faster the production of new ideas, their inclusion in political decisions. The modern process of political communication has shifted to greater interactivity. Information policy, political regulation of the mass communication system becomes the leading sphere of management activities of state and non-state structures. Discussion: The indicative model development of politicalcommunicative interaction of information policy actors in the Russian Federation is hampered by a number of problems. Some of them are associated with established practices of political administration by state institutions of information processes. Other problems come from the unwillingness of civil structures to carry out the functions of public political management in the field of information security. The result is a decline in public confidence in political information and the Russian media. Results: The author proposes the main forms of coordinated interaction of state and non-state actors in the field of information regulation, ensuring the information security of the Russian Federation. The researcher substantiates the idea of the relationship of the mass communication system development with the formation of information and communication competencies of the Russian Federation population.

Ghana is perceived as a peaceful country in a volatile region and prides itself of becoming a middle-income country in a foreseeable future. Considering the political climate of Ghana as opposed to other countries in the West Africa-sub region including Nigeria, Cote d'Ivoire, Liberia and Sierra Leone among others, Ghana can be said to be a 'small heaven' in a conflict endemic sub-continent. Having experienced most coup d'états and political summersaults after independence in 1957, Ghana is now a democratic country and regulated by the Republican Constitution of 1992. The liberalization of the airwaves, coupled with the practice of multi-party democracy, has given the citizenry the opportunity and freedom of speech and freedom of association. However, a critical observation and monitoring of the events in Ghana in recent times have revealed that, due to freedom of speech, the political landscape of the country has become a theater of most vitriolic insults especially from politicians and their cronies which poses threat to the democratic peace enjoined in the country. The position of this paper is that unless pragmatic and concrete efforts are made to transform the political landscape of Ghana, the democratic freedom of the people will gradually but steadily trap the country to a state of insecurity.

Presentation to the Academic Board of the University of Ghana of the Report of the Visitation Panel*, (* Passages in italics are direct quotations from the Report with formal recommendations in bold ), Sir John Daniel, 20 December 2007 // Members of the Academic Board, Colleagues: // It is a pleasure to be in Ghana once again and to present you with a summary of the Report of the Visitation Panel which I have had the honour to chair. Some of you heard my presentation to the University Council this morning. You will hear some of what you heard then again, but I shall take a bit more time with you and say more about our recommendations concerning Academic Operations and Infrastructure. // This Visitation Panel, which the Vice-Chancellor set up on behalf of Council almost a year ago, was a remarkable group of Ghanaian and international specialists whose collective expertise ranged over all aspects of higher education. Let me begin by naming them for you. // I have had the honour to chair the Panel. The Commonwealth of Learning, of which I am president, has donated my time for this task and supported the Panel's work in other ways.

The aim of the article is to present the programme priorities in the field of security policy, announced by each candidate running for the office of President of Ukraine in 2019. In addition, it also attempts to show how they intended to: ensure state security, bring the war in the Donbass to an end, restore the territorial integrity – thus, to regain Kyiv's control over the Donbass and Crimea, as well as where they were going to look for allies capable of providing support to Ukraine on the path to achieving the above-mentioned goals. An analysis of the elections programmes of each candidate will allow us to answer the questions. Attention was paid to the programme demands of those candidates who reeived at least a five per cent support in the presidential elections. Hence, the elections programmes of the participants of the second round of the elections, namely those of Volodymyr Zelensky, Petro Poroshenko, and also Yulia Tymoshenko, Yuriy Boyko, Anatoliy Hrytsenko, Ihor Smeshko as well as Oleh Lyashko, were subjected to analysis.

This paper considers the operation of "soft power" in the currency of made-in-Japan youth goods as they achieve the popularity of a new fad in US pop culture. This craze of "J-cool" is mainly a youth phenomenon which, less likely to be shared or understood by adults, trades in products for & about youth. Questioned here is what meaning or impact do these "Japanese" goods have on or for "American" kids. In other words, what is the construction of "Japan(ese)" in J-cool & does this stand (or not) for a Japan that actually exists? Adapted from the source document.

Abstract
Aim of this paper is to analyse the behaviour of Czech MEPs in the topics related to Europe 2020 Strategy. This Strategy is one of the most important documents of recent decade on the European level and it is not so often studied on the level of the European Parliament. The purpose of this text is to find out if Czech political parties in the European Parliament are cohesive or not. The second question is related to the voting patterns, whether Czech MEPs create some kind of voting coalitions or not and if these coalitions reflect the national coalition. Methodology is based on the analyses of roll-call votes. The research period is the first two years of the 8th term of the European Parliament.