Suchergebnisse

Introduction -- Chapter 1 - The BRI in Historical Perspective: PRC Economic Statecraft Since 1949 -- Chapter 2 - China, the BRI, and the New Vocabulary of Global Governance -- Chapter 3 - The Globalizing Discourse of the Belt and Road Initiative -- Chapter 4 - The BRI in Xi's China "Grand Strategy": an instrument to restore Chinese centrality in a New Era -- Chapter 5 - People-to-People Exchanges: A Cluster of Narratives to Advance Purposeful Constructivism -- Chapter 6 - The Belt and Road Initiative in Global Governance: Impact on the International World Order -- Chapter 7 - Glocalization of Belt and Road Initiatives: The Importance of Local Agency -- Chapter 8 - The Chinese Agenda on the World Economic Forum. Assessing Political Evidence Between Rhetoric and Practice -- Chapter 9 - COVID-19 Pandemic, China and Global Power Shifts: Understanding the Interplay and Implications -- Chapter 10 - Enacting inclusive globalization in a VUCA context whilst emerging from Covid-19 -- Chapter 11 - China's Ambition in Promoting Green Finance for Belt and Road Initiative -- Chapter 12 - Liability of emergingness of emerging market banks internationalizing to advanced economies -- Chapter 13 - Chinese health strategy: a tool towards global governance -- Chapter 14 - Digital China: Governance, Power Politics and the Social Game -- Chapter 15 - The New Face of Multilateralism: The Case of "Chinese" Forums -- Chapter 16 - Secular Stagnation and World Leadership: China´s rising path -- Chapter 17 - Visuality and Infrastructure: the case of the Belt and Road Initiative -- Chapter 18 - The Belt and Road Initiative: can it signalize a new pendulum movement? -- Chapter 19 – The EU-China Geo-Economic Equilibrium in a World of Uncertainty -- Chapter 20 - A shifting current: Europe's changing approaches vis-à-vis China, the Belt and Road Initiative and the COVID-19 pandemic -- Chapter 21 - China in Central and Eastern Europe: New opportunities for small states -- Chapter 22 – China and the European Union – Inside the economic dynamics of a challenging relationship -- Chapter 23 – A review of China's contribution to the sustainable development of the European tourism industry: A case study of economic effects and sustainability issues in Albania -- Chapter 24 – A greater Eurasian Partnership? Xi and Putin's Road to integrate and lead -- Chapter 25 - Health, Road, and Russia: Perspectives on Russian Involvement with China' s Health Silk Road -- Chapter 26 – India's Challenge to the BRI: Shaping the Global Normative Consensus -- Chapter 27 – China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): India's Conundrum and Policy Options -- Chapter 28 - China in Latin America: to BRI or not to BRI -- Chapter 29 - Why America Opposes the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) -- Chapter 30 - The Belt and Road Initiative's Security Challenges: The Chinese Globalization Project and Sino-American Rivalry -- Chapter 31 - Sino-Iranian cooperation in Artificial Intelligence: a potential countering against the US hegemony -- Chapter 32 - China and the wave of Globalization focusing on the Middle East -- Chapter 33 - China-Iran's 25-Years deal: The Implication for the Belt and Road Initiative and Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) -- Chapter 34 - China's New Maritime Silk Road Cooperation: Why Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines are Clings in Disagreement? -- Chapter 35 - The Belt and Road Initiative and the Uneven Triangle of Latvia, Belarus, and China -- Chapter 36 - The Impact of Belt and Road Initiative on Asian Economies along the Route -- Chapter 37 - The Belt and Road in the Kyrgyz Republic: Mapping economic risks and risk perceptions -- Chapter 38 - Belt and Road Initiative's economic impact on Central Asia. The cases of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan -- Chapter 39 – How Does BRI Affect the Degree of Globalisation in Southeast Asia? -- Chapter 40 – Vietnam's Attitude Toward China's Belt and Road Initiative Amid Globalization -- Chapter 41 – The South Atlantic in China's Global Policy: Why It Matters? -- Chapter 42 – Belt and Road Initiative: Impact and Implications for Africa-China Relations -- Chapter 43 – The unequal modalities of China's intervention in Africa -- Chapter 444 – Africa's thirst for infrastructure: Contemporary phenomenon that makes China the trading partner -- Chapter 45 – Why is China Going Polar? Understanding Engagement and Implications for the Arctic and Antarctica.

We seem to be watching a new elite consensus view being formed. As ever, it's wrong, wholly wrong, but it is, we think, very fun indeed. In that forehead slapping, "No, really, they're not trying this are they?" definition of fun.So, Ireland: At the core of it were a number of key propositions. Ireland would have to embrace the idea of free trade, which meant encouraging competition and ending the protectionism that had been the hallmark of Irish economic policy under Lemass's predecessor Éamon de Valera (whose economic philosophy had once been satirised as: "Burn everything English except their coal"). Most importantly, though, the strategy required that, henceforth, Ireland would have to be welcoming to foreign capital, which essentially meant being nice to multinationals – giving them generous tax breaks, assistance in finding locations for building and generally bending over backwards to attend to their needs.Whitaker's was a bold strategy, but it worked.Ireland got rich by being standardly classical liberal sensible. OK.There's a massive shortage of affordable housing and an associated homelessness crisis: nearly 12,000 people in emergency accommodation and average monthly rents of €1,468;But there's a problem associated with those riches. Hmm. The source for this is: The national budget surplus – essentially the difference between the amount of money coming in and going out in day-to-day expenditure – is forecast to add up to €65.2bn (£56.3bn) over the next four years.Loadsamoney - Ireland is rich. This has made Ireland an "outlier", according to Prof Barrett, who pointed out more than 25% of tax revenue in the Republic of Ireland comes from corporation tax – compared an average figure of less than 10% across Europe.The money's made by stinging the capitalists. Rather a Laffer Curve there in fact - low rates means lots of capitalists and so beaucoup de revenue. Could be a plan for more countries really. Nationwide, the touchstone social and political issue is housing.Homelessness in Ireland is at a record high – with the most recent figures showing 12,600 people were in emergency accommodation in June.But the housing shortage is having wider effects.Ah, housing. So, The Observer and the BBC agree here, and that is one of those elite consensi forming. Obviously. Ireland's got rich because low taxes on corporations but this cannot be allowed - we can't have an example of actual classical liberalism working now, can we - because housing.And where the argument becomes, in the local argot, a bit of a cute hoor: Rent controls are a fiscal policy that governments around the globe incorporate to control and regulate the amount that a landlord can charge for a lease of a property. The challenge lies in finding a balance between the rights of sitting tenants, new tenants and landlords. Rent regulation that is too strict can have a negative impact on the market, but complete deregulation can also have negative effects as it will push people into home ownership even where it is not feasible.And: Government measures to control rents have backfired and in many cases have led to an increase in rents, a new report has claimed.The study by economist Jim Power suggests that rent pressure zones (RPZs), introduced in 2016 to limit rent price increases, have resulted in significant "rent rigidities" and an inefficient two-tier system where the proper maintenance of rental properties is no longer economically viable.Rent controls are not a classical liberal policy. Rent controls are what are screwing the Irish rental property market. Which is where that argument becomes so fun, isn't it? Classical liberalism makes a place rich. Not classical liberalism on rents makes housing expensive. But as the argument - that elite consensus view - is becoming it's the bit that works, the stinging the capitalists for the costs of running the state that must go and it's the idiocy of rent controls which is unquestioned and so presumably should stay.Well, it would be a fun argument if it wasn't palpably so damn stupid an argument.

Introduction. An effective system of state regulation in the field of education makes it possible to eliminate excessive administrative restrictions or barriers for educational organizations. The existence of state regulation of educational activities is due to the public-legal principles of educational law and the need to ensure the rights of students.Problem statement. The presence of legal uncertainties, corruption-causing factors in the mechanism of state regulation of educational activities leads to negative consequences for educational organizations, hinders the performance of state functions of a social orientation. Excessive legal regulation traditionally leads to the cancellation of the effect of state control. The process of changing the Federal State Educational Standard eases the burden of responsibilities of educational organizations, since the scope of the powers granted in the development of an educational program is expanding, however, an increase in the volume of dispositivity leads to problems of quality compliance checks, since it becomes difficult to argue the fact of violation.Methodology of the study. Theoretical and empirical methods were used in the research process. Legal analogy, law comparison and legal abstraction were used.The results. There is an obvious imbalance between the public and private interests of state in the field of education. A change in the usual and sufficiently effective system of state control leads to the substitution of some well-known and well-established legal categories by others. There is a lack of uniformity in law enforcement. The problems of the development of the Federal State Educational Standard by areas and types of professional activity are relevant. The modern system of state regulation is characterized by an increase in the volume of the regulatory framework, as well as the growth of local law-making, which leads to the impossibility of fulfilling all mandatory requirements. Due to the lack of unified requirements of the Federal State Educational Standard, it is advisable to consider the introduction of the institute of self-regulating organizations in the field of education.Conclusions. The ongoing rapid restructuring of the system of state regulation of educational activities leads to an increase in conflicts in educational legislation, including among the fundamental normative legal acts. The current policy of increasing the academic freedom of educational organizations, their capabilities in the development of educational programs leads to problems of state control over the quality of educational activities. Further development of the system of state regulation should take place in the direction of improving the Federal State Educational Standard and reducing the administrative burden on educational organizations. ; Введение. Эффективная система государственной регламентации в области образования позволяет исключить избыточные административные ограничения или барьеры для образовательных организаций. Наличие государственной регламентации образовательной деятельности обусловлено публично-правовыми началами образовательного права и необходимостью обеспечения прав обучающихся.Постановка задачи. Наличие правовых неопределенностей, коррупциогенных факторов в механизме государственной регламентации образовательной деятельности приводит к негативным последствиям для образовательных организаций, препятствует выполнению государственных функций социальной направленности. Излишнее нормативноправовое регулирование традиционно приводит к аннулированию эффекта государственного контроля. Процесс смены ФГОС облегчает бремя обязанностей образовательных организаций, поскольку расширяется объем предоставляемых правомочий при разработке образовательной программы, однако увеличение объема диспозитивности приводит к проблемам проверок соблюдения требований к качеству, поскольку становится затруднительным аргументировать факт нарушения.Методика и методология исследования. В процессе исследования использовались теоретические и эмпирические методы. Применялись правовая аналогия, правовое сравнение, правовое абстрагирование.Результаты. Наблюдается очевидный дисбаланс между публичными и частными интересами государства в сфере образования. Изменение привычной и достаточно эффективной системы государственного контроля приводит к подмене одних общеизвестных и устоявшихся правовых категорий другими. Наблюдается отсутствие единообразия в правоприменении. Актуальными являются проблемы разработки ФГОС по областям и видам профессиональной деятельности. Современная система государственной регламентации характеризуется увеличением объема нормативной базы, а также ростом локального правотворчества, что приводит к невозможности исполнения всех обязательных требований. Ввиду отсутствия единообразных требований ФГОС целесообразно рассмотреть вопрос о введении института саморегулируемых организаций в сфере образования.Выводы. Проводимая стремительная перестройка системы государственной регламентации образовательной деятельности приводит к увеличению коллизий в образовательном законодательстве, в том числе среди основополагающих нормативно-правовых актов. Проводимая политика увеличения академической свободы образовательных организаций, их возможностей при разработке образовательных программ приводит к проблемам осуществления государственного контроля за качеством образовательной деятельности. Дальнейшее развитие системы государственной регламентации должно происходить в направлении совершенствования ФГОС, снижения административной нагрузки на образовательные организации.

This study has been supported by the Research Council of Norway (project ID: 275407, COMBAT - Quantification of Global Ammonia Sources constrained by a Bayesian Inversion Technique). Nikolaos Evangeliou and Sabine Eckhardt received funding from the Arctic Monitoring & Assessment Programme (AMAP). John Backman was supported by the Academy of Finland project Novel Assessment of Black Carbon in the Eurasian Arctic: From Historical Concentrations and Sources to Future Climate Impacts (NABCEA; project no. 296302), the Academy of Finland Centre of Excellence programme (project no. 307331) and COST Action CA16109 Chemical On-Line cOmpoSition and Source Apportionment of fine aerosoL, COLOSSAL. The research leading to the ACTRIS measurements has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research And Innovation programme (grant agreement no. 654109) and the Cloudnet project (European Union contract EVK2-2000-00611). ; All measurement data and model outputs used for the present publication are publicly available and can be downloaded from https://doi.org/10.21336/gen.b5vj-sn33 (Evangeliou et al., 2020) or upon request to the corresponding author. All prior emission datasets are also available for download. ECLIPSE emissions can be obtained from http://www.iiasa.ac.at/web/home/research/researchPrograms/air/Global_emissions.html (Klimont et al., 2017), EDGAR version HTAP_V2.2 from http://edgar.jrc.ec.europa.eu/methodology.php# (Janssens-Maenhout et al., 2015), ACCMIP version 5 from http://accent.aero.jussieu.fr/ACCMIP_metadata.php (Lamarque et al., 2010) and PKU from http://inventory.pku.edu.cn (Peking University, 2021). FLEXPART is publicly available and can be downloaded from https://www.flexpart.eu (Pisso et al., 2019) and FLEXINVERT+ from https://flexinvert.nilu.no (Thompson and Stohl, 2014). MERRA-2 reanalysis data can be obtained from https://disc.gsfc.nasa.gov (NASA Earth Data, 2021) and AERONET measurements from https://aeronet.gsfc.nasa.gov (Holben et al., 1998). ; The supplement related to this article is available online at: https://doi.org/10.5194/acp-21-2675-2021-supplement. ; Following the emergence of the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) responsible for COVID-19 in December 2019 in Wuhan (China) and its spread to the rest of the world, the World Health Organization declared a global pandemic in March 2020. Without effective treatment in the initial pandemic phase, social distancing and mandatory quarantines were introduced as the only available preventative measure. In contrast to the detrimental societal impacts, air quality improved in all countries in which strict lockdowns were applied, due to lower pollutant emissions. Here we investigate the effects of the COVID-19 lockdowns in Europe on ambient black carbon (BC), which affects climate and damages health, using in situ observations from 17 European stations in a Bayesian inversion framework. BC emissions declined by 23 kt in Europe (20 % in Italy, 40 % in Germany, 34 % in Spain, 22 % in France) during lockdowns compared to the same period in the previous 5 years, which is partially attributed to COVID-19 measures. BC temporal variation in the countries enduring the most drastic restrictions showed the most distinct lockdown impacts. Increased particle light absorption in the beginning of the lockdown, confirmed by assimilated satellite and remote sensing data, suggests residential combustion was the dominant BC source. Accordingly, in central and Eastern Europe, which experienced lower than average temperatures, BC was elevated compared to the previous 5 years. Nevertheless, an average decrease of 11 % was seen for the whole of Europe compared to the start of the lockdown period, with the highest peaks in France (42 %), Germany (21 %), UK (13 %), Spain (11 %) and Italy (8 %). Such a decrease was not seen in the previous years, which also confirms the impact of COVID-19 on the European emissions of BC. ; Research Council of Norway ; rctic Monitoring & Assessment Programme (AMAP). ; Academy of Finland project Novel Assessment of Black Carbon in the Eurasian Arctic: From Historical Concentrations and Sources to Future Climate Impacts (NABCEA) 296302 ; Academy of Finland 307331 ; European Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) CA16109 ; European Union's Horizon 2020 Research And Innovation programme 654109 ; Cloudnet project European Union EVK2-2000-00611

The online version contains supplementary material available at https://doi.org/10.1186/s12966-021-01169-w Additional file 1 Supplementary Table 1.Characteristics of the validation study participants and the remaining participants of the population-based PASOS cohort. Additional file 2 Supplementary Table 2.Correlation coefficients and between-method agreement of moderate to vigorous physical activity measurements derived by the Physical Activity Unit 7-item screener, non-calibrated and calibrated, and the reference method (accelerometer),stratified by age ; [Abstract] Background Validation of self-reported tools, such as physical activity (PA) questionnaires, is crucial. The aim of this study was to determine test-retest reliability, internal consistency, and the concurrent, construct, and predictive validity of the short semi-quantitative Physical Activity Unit 7 item Screener (PAU-7S), using accelerometry as the reference measurement. The effect of linear calibration on PAU-7S validity was tested. Methods A randomized sample of 321 healthy children aged 8–16 years (149 boys, 172 girls) from the nationwide representative PASOS study completed the PAU-7S before and after wearing an accelerometer for at least 7 consecutive days. Weight, height, and waist circumference were measured. Cronbach alpha was calculated for internal consistency. Test-retest reliability was determined by intra-class correlation (ICC). Concurrent validity was assessed by ICC and Spearman correlation coefficient between moderate to vigorous PA (MVPA) derived by the PAU-7S and by accelerometer. Concordance between both methods was analyzed by absolute agreement, weighted kappa, and Bland-Altman statistics. Multiple linear regression models were fitted for construct validity and predictive validity was determined by leave-one-out cross-validation. Results The PAU-7S overestimated MVPA by 18%, compared to accelerometers (106.5 ± 77.0 vs 95.2 ± 33.2 min/day, respectively). A Cronbach alpha of 0.76 showed an acceptable internal consistency of the PAU-7S. Test-retest reliability was good (ICC 0.71 p < 0.001). Spearman correlation and ICC coefficients of MVPA derived by the PAU-7S and accelerometers increased from 0.31 to 0.62 and 0.20 to 0.62, respectively, after calibration of the PAU-7S. Between-methods concordance improved from a weighted kappa of 0.24 to 0.50 after calibration. A slight reduction in ICC, from 0.62 to 0.60, yielded good predictive validity. Multiple linear regression models showed an inverse association of MVPA with standardized body mass index (β − 0.162; p < 0.077) and waist to height ratio (β − 0.010; p < 0.014). All validity dimensions were somewhat stronger in boys compared to girls. Conclusion The PAU-7S shows a good test-retest reliability and acceptable internal consistency. All dimensions of validity increased from poor/fair to moderate/good after calibration. The PAU-7S is a valid instrument for measuring MVPA in children and adolescents. ; PASOS study has been funded mainly by Fundación PROBITAS and Gasol Foundation. Additional funds were received from the Barça Foundation, Banco Santander, Grupo IFA, Viena and Fundación Deporte Jóven, grant of support to research groups number 35/2011 (Balearic Islands Gov) and EU COST Action CA16112. J.A.T. and M.M.B. are funded by the official funding agency for biomedical research of the Spanish government, Institute of Health Carlos III (ISCIII), which is cofunded by the 333 European Regional Development Fund (CIBEROBN CB12/03/30038). PASOS has the institutional support of Spain's Ministry of Education and Vocational Training, the Ministry of Health, Consumption and Social Welfare through the Spanish Agency for Food Safety and Nutrition (ASEAN), the High Commission against Child Poverty, the High Sports Council, the General College of Professional Associations of Physical Education and Sports, and the Departments of Education and/or Health and/or Sports of Spain's 17 autonomous regions. The CIBERESP and the CIBEROBN are initiatives of the Institute of Health Carlos III, Madrid, Spain. ; Gobierno de las Islas Baleares; 35/2011 ; European Cooperation in Science and Technology; CA16112

The paper specifies the definition of "competence" of executive managers and positional, professional and social types of the general system competence are separated. The communicative competence structure in managers at higher educational institutions for realizing communicative interaction of participants of the professional training educational process is concretized by methodological content components of administrative management, namely administrative-organizational managerial system relations (descending potential of indirect administrative-organizational communication of a policy of higher educational institutions, coordination-subordination architectonics of the "administrative apparatus", ascending potential of administrative effect at organizing institutional projects), internal system relations (descending administrative-organizational communications of a political strategy of higher educational institutions, potential of ascending administrative-organizational communications for modernization of educational-scientific university systems) and external system relations (sphere of external interaction and system analysis of modern scientific data as to a qualitative external condition of higher educational institutions, world community access to administrative-organizational communication of higher educational institutions with self-government bodies). There are separated communication types of coordination-subordination architectonics of institutional organization of higher educational institutions: administrative-organizational, managerial and process-organizational communications; a structural-logic scheme of mutual influence in contents - administrative-organizational managerial system, internal and external system relations in the "aim tree" of administrative regulation for effective educational policy and quality policy by means of administrative-organizational communications and at realization of the communicative competence of managers at higher educational institutions is projected in the author modification ; В статье уточнена дефиниция «компетентность» менеджеров-исполнителей и выделены виды общесистемной компетентности, а именно - позиционная, профессиональная и социальная. Конкретизирована структура коммуникативной компетентности у менеджеров в высших учебных заведениях для реализации коммуникационного взаимодействия участников образовательного процесса профессиональной подготовки по составляющим контента методологического содержания административного управления, а именно - административно-организационных управленческих системных отношений (нисходящего потенциала косвенной административно-организационной коммуникации политики высших учебных заведений, координационно-субординационной архитектоники «административного аппарата», восходящего потенциала административного воздействия при организации институциональных проектов), внутренне системных отношений (нисходящие административно-организационные коммуникации политической стратегии высших учебных заведений, потенциал восходящих административно-организационных коммуникаций модернизации образовательно-научных систем университета) и внешне системных отношений (сферы внешних взаимодействия и системный анализ современных научных данных относительно качественного внешнего состояния учреждений высшего образования, доступ мировой общественности к административно-организационной коммуникации высших учебных заведений с органами самоуправления). Выделены виды коммуникации координационно-субординационной архитектоники институциональной организации высших учебных заведений: административно-организационные, управленческие и процессно-организационные коммуникации; спроектирована в модификации авторов структурно-логическая схему сфер взаимовлияния в контентах –административно-организационных управленческих системных, внутренне системных и внешне системных отношениях в «дереве целей» административного регулирования для эффективности образовательной политики и политики качества средствами административно-организационных коммуникаций и при реализации коммуникативной компетентности менеджеров в высших учебных заведений ; У статті уточнено дефініцію «компетентність» менеджерів-виконавців та виокремлено види загально-системної компетентності, а саме позиційну, професійну та соціальну. Конкретизовано структуру комунікативної компетентності у менеджерів у закладах вищої освіти для реалізації комунікаційної взаємодії учасників освітнього процесу професійної підготовки за складовими контентами методологічного змісту адміністративного управління, а саме адміністративно-організаційних управлінських системних взаємин (низхідного потенціалу непрямої адміністративно-організаційної комунікації політики закладів вищої освіти, координаційно-субординаційної архітектоніки «адміністративного апарату», висхідного потенціалу адміністративного впливу при організації інституційних проектів), внутрішньо-системних взаємин (низхідні адміністративно-організаційні комунікації політичної стратегії закладів вищої освіти, потенціал висхідних адміністративно-організаційних комунікацій модернізації освітньо-наукових систем університету) та зовнішньо-системних взаємин (сфери навколишньої взаємодії та системний аналіз сучасних наукових даних щодо якісного зовнішнього стану закладів вищої освіти, доступ світової громадськості щодо адміністративно-організаційної комунікації закладів вищої освіти з органами самоврядування). Виокремлено види комунікації координаційно-субординаційної архітектоніки інституційної організації закладів вищої освіти: адміністративно-організаційні, управлінські та процесно-організаційні комунікації; спроектовано у модифікації авторів структурно-логічну схему сфер взаємовпливу у контентах – адміністративно-організаційних управлінських системних, внутрішньо-системних та зовнішньо-системних взаєминах у «дереві цілей» адміністративного регулювання для ефективності освітньої політики та політики якості засобами адміністративно-організаційних комунікацій та при реалізації комунікативної компетентності менеджерів у закладах вищої освіти

Sleep duration is a novel and potentially modifiable risk factor for cancer. We evaluated the association of self-reported sleep duration and daytime napping with odds of colorectal and gastric cancer. We included 2008 incident colorectal cancer cases, 542 gastric cancer cases and 3622 frequency-matched population controls, recruited in the MCC-Spain case-control study (2008-2013). Sleep information, socio-demographic and lifestyle characteristics were obtained through personal interviews. Multivariable adjusted logistic regression models were used to estimate odds ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals (CI) for cancer, across categories of sleep duration (? 5, 6, 7, 8, ? 9 hours/day), daytime napping frequency (naps/week) and duration (minutes/nap). Compared to 7 hours of sleep, long sleep was associated with increased odds of colorectal (OR?9 hours: 1.59; 95%CI 1.30-1.94) and gastric cancer (OR?9 hours: 1.95; 1.37-2.76); short sleep was associated with increased odds of gastric cancer (OR?5 hours: 1.32; 0.93-1.88). Frequent and long daytime naps increased the odds of colorectal (OR6-7 naps/week, ?30 min: 1.32; 1.14-1.54) and gastric cancer (OR6-7 naps/week, ?30 min: 1.56; 1.21-2.02). Effects of short sleep and frequent long naps were stronger among participants with night shift-work history. Sleep and circadian disruption may jointly play a role in the etiology of colorectal and gastric cancer. ; Funding: The study was funded by the "Accion Transversal del Cancer", approved on the Spanish Ministry Council on 11 October 2007, by the Instituto de Salud Carlos III-FEDER (PI08/1770, PI08/0533, PI08/1359, PI09/00773-Cantabria, PI09/01286-León, PI09/01903-Valencia, PI09/02078-Huelva, PI09/01662-Granada, PI11/01403, PI11/01889-FEDER, PI11/00226, PI11/01810, PI11/02213, PI12/00488, PI12/00265, PI12/01270, PI12/00715, PI12/00150), by the Fundación Marqués de Valdecilla (API 10/09), by the ICGC International Cancer Genome Consortium CLL (The ICGC CLL-Genome Project is funded by Spanish Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (MINECO) through the Instituto de Salud Carlos III (ISCIII) and Red Temática de Investigación del Cáncer (RTICC) del ISCIII (RD12/0036/0036)), by the Junta de Castilla y León (LE22A10-2), by the Consejería de Salud of the Junta de Andalucía (2009-S0143), by the Conselleria de Sanitat of the Generalitat Valenciana (AP_061/10), by the Recercaixa (2010ACUP 00310), by the European Commission grants FOOD-CT-2006-036224-HIWATE, by the Spanish Association Against Cancer (AECC) Scientific Foundation, by the Catalan Government DURSI grant 2009SGR1489. KP received a predoctoral grant PFIS (FI09/00385). MCT is funded by a Ramón y Cajal fellowship (RYC-2017-01892) from the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities and cofunded by the European Social Fund. ISGlobal acknowledges support from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation through the "Centro de Excelencia Severo Ochoa 2019–2023" Program (CEX2018-000806-S), and support from the Generalitat de Catalunya through the CERCA Program. Agency for Management of University and Research Grants (AGAUR) of the Catalan Government grant 2017SGR723. Spanish Association Against Cancer (AECC) Scientific Foundation. DC is supported by Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness—Carlos III Institute of Health cofunded by FEDER funds/European Regional Develpment Fund (ERDF)—a way to build Europe (PI17/01280), the Centro de Investigacion Biomedica en Red: Epidemiologia y Salud Publica (CIBERESP, Spain) and the Agencia de Gestio d'Ajuts Universitaris i de Recerca (AGAUR), CERCA Programme/Generalitat de Catalunya for institutional suport (2017SGR1085). VM is funded by the Agency for Management of University and Research Grants (AGAUR) of the Catalan Government grant 2017SGR723; Instituto de Salud Carlos III, co-funded by FEDER funds—a way to build Europe—; Spanish Association Against Cancer (AECC) Scientific Foundation. Sample collection of this work was supported by the Xarxa de Bancs de Tumors de Catalunya sponsored by Pla Director d'Oncología de Catalunya (XBTC)", Plataforma Biobancos PT13/0010/0013" and ICOBIOBANC, sponsored by the Catalan Institute of Oncology. We thank CERCA Program, Generalitat de Catalunya for institutional support.

The United Nations operates in an increasingly challenging environment, which generates new demands for the competencies of all UN personnel, especially within positions related to operational security. War is, by nature, a highly complex and dynamic form of social conflict (Malešević 2010), and during the last decades' conflicts the UN has become a target for violence, and the number of peacekeeper fatalities has been at an unacceptable level (Cruz 2017). It is important to note that war is not the only phenomenon affecting the operational safety, security, and well-being of personnel in today's context, where climate crisis, hybrid interference, and cyber threats occur (UNSMS 2017). Other drivers affecting the safety and security of operations reflect global megatrends, for example: pandemics, the use of technologies, and growing socioeconomic inequalities. Generally, the lines between political, criminal, and terrorist agendas, often coupled with fragmented armed groups and intercommunal violence at the local level are blurred. Overall, heightened geopolitical tensions, a frayed global consensus on principles and values, and some skepticism over the relevance and impact of external interventions all have fundamental effect on the operational environment as they exist simultaneously (UN 2021). To manage the increasingly complex security challenges, the United Nations Department of Safety and Security (UNDSS) Strategic Plan 2020–2022 focuses on evolving its capacity to support UN entities in delivering their programmes and commitments globally, safely, effectively, and in a transparent way. The plan highlights two main priority areas: excellence in the workforce and improved ways of working. The importance of individual competence and skills as team performance building blocks cannot be overemphasized (UNDSS 2020). As the UN has most often been attacked because of inaction, focus on the operational behaviour on the ground is crucial (Cruz 2017). As a part of implementing the strategic priorities in practice, FINCENT's Peace Operations Security Management Course (POSMC) has been systematically designed to reflect the UNDSS strategic plan (UNDSS 2020) and support the safety and security priority commitment area in the Secretary-General's Action for Peacekeeping (A4P) initiative. The course aims to prepare civilian personnel, police and military for UNSMS safety and security management-related interaction and cooperation between the different components in ongoing and future peace operations, aiming to support personal, professional growth and learning and working as a group (See. Fritz-Millett 2011). The content and structure of the POSMC are designed to be conducted in modules in-house, by eLearning, in hybrid implementations or by Mobile Education and Training Teams in the operations area. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the POSMC 2021 course was conducted entirely online. The online version of the POSMC was a pilot conducted as a joint effort with the learners, course director, senior mentors, senior instructors, instructors, facilitators, and other subject matter experts. The course was conducted during August–October 2021 (FINCENT 2021c). In addition, the learners attended a pre-course learning phase, including eLearning courses provided by the UNDSS and Peace Operation Training Institute (POTI), and selected reading materials. The Moodle learning management system (LMS) was used for distributing all the learning materials and activities during the course (Moodle 2021). It is noteworthy that most of the learners attended the course alongside their daily work in the operation areas. This provides a valuable addition to the development of the course as well as the evaluation of the results. For the course contents and implementation improvement purposes, we conducted a study that reflects the training needs assessed by the UNDSS, UNDPO, and FINCENT. We asked: Which pedagogical solutions supported individual learning processes during the course, how does the shared learning process support your real-life work context, and which UN Core values, core competencies, and managerial competencies appear during the facilitated syndicate working sessions, and in what ways? The data consists of observations of the learners' personal learning folders as well as feedback and observations from the syndicate work sessions during the online phase. A compilation of the after-course survey (closed questions) is available in Appendix 1.

The state has been "brought back in" and today state capacity is one of the most important research topics in a variety of social science subfields. Although conceptual, theoretical, and empirical literature on the topic has been flourishing for a while, issues related to the measurement of state capacity have attracted less interest in the scholarly debate for now. This is not to say that researchers have not recognised some of the problems related to the measurement of state capacity; quite the opposite. Nevertheless, measurement issues are seldom addressed in detail in studies on the topic. The main aim of my dissertation is to fill this gap in literature by addressing some of the most pressing questions on the measurement of state capacity. In Chapter I, I provide a review of definitions and measures of state capacity. This introductory chapter provides a first look at the concept of state capacity and shows some of the consistencies and inconsistencies related to the definition as well as the measures of state capacity. The purpose of Chapter I is illustrative rather than exhaustive. In Chapter II, I select some of the most established measures of state capacity for further investigation. These measures are systematically compared and evaluated with several statistical tools, but not only. I point out some interesting differences and weaknesses in the content and statistical properties of the measures. Even if I find that all the measures are highly convergent among one another, a battery of replicated studies shows that their interchangeability is weak. In other words, different measures of state capacity can lead to completely different interpretations. The primary cause of these somewhat counterpoising findings lies in divergent understandings of the level of state capacity in some countries. Since no measure of state capacity emerges as the best one in absolute terms, researchers are advised to select a measure that closely represents their theory or alternatively to test the robustness of their findings with multiple measures. In Chapter III, I show that one way to increase our knowledge on state capacity is to dig deeper both in terms of theory and measures. I argue that the literature on the state-democracy nexus has remained largely inconclusive because of conceptual and measurement issues related to state capacity (as well as democracy). One way to push forward the research agenda on the topic is to shift the analysis to more specific aspects of the state-democracy relationship. Through a comparative statistical analysis of the relationship between impartial public officials and civic participation – two core attributes of state capacity and democracy – I provide new empirical evidence on the state-democracy nexus across countries and over time. Besides convincingly supporting the hypothesised positive effect of civic participation on impartial public officials, the findings of Chapter III indicate indeed that the research agenda on state capacity can be pushed forward by disaggregating the concept. A vibrant civic society seems to be an important prerequisite of impartial bureaucracies, but overly broad approaches on the state-democracy nexus fail to capture this "nuance". In Chapter IV, I take the reasonable assumption that the need to conduct research on state capacity as a whole is not going to disappear. General level theories require general level measures. Scholars have plenty of measurements to choose from, but most of them were not created to capture state capacity: ill-suited measures stand in the way of accumulating knowledge on the topic. In Chapter IV, I develop and present a novel cross-national measure of state capacity to tackle the problem. A set of validity tests show persuasively that the new measure contributes to the literature on state capacity and is a useful tool to make progress on the research agenda on the topic. Chapter IV provides also novel statistical information on the key dimensions of state capacity. In Chapter V, I sum up the main findings, discuss their potential implications for policymakers, and identify possible avenues for future research on state capacity.

Today we have many alternative medicines, not a few of which connect back to aboriginal cultures. Some of these alternative medicines were born under the influence of European imperialism, as they were not "alternative" until modern empires and modern medicine came to these distant regions. The present study begins with a broad question: how did conceptions of the relationship between modern Western medicine and traditional local non-Western medicine come to be? To explore the historical origins of these two conceptions, I focus herein on Japanese colonial Taiwan (18951945), where modern medicine became dominant while traditional medicine also flourished. My research finds that the historical realities of colonial Taiwan were not reflected in the progressive narrative of medicine. According to this narrative, modern medicine became dominant around the world while traditional medicines were swept into the ash heap of history because only modern medicine was the true, effective science of preventing, diagnosing, and treating physical ailments. The history of colonial Taiwan teaches us a much different lesson: practitioners of traditional medicine there were a significant part of the public health system during the colonial period. For example, they rallied against the plague in the late 19th century, diagnosing and treating patients when antibiotics had yet to be developed. Even so, the island witnessed an institutional medical shift, in which licensed practitioners of modern medicine deified modern medicine and denigrated traditional medicine, labeling the latter "primitive" and "non-medicine." In response, practitioners of traditional medicine produced new narratives aiming to challenge this colonial boundary between medicine and non-medicine. These practitioners' fundamental argument was that traditional medicine, though epistemologically different from modern medicine, was still legitimate medicine. From this effort, we now have the widely held belief today that both modern medicine and traditional medicine are legitimate, but distinct, medicines. This historical outcome of colonial resistance occurred worldwide. In my study, I identify the social, political, and colonial contexts of medical resistance in Japanese Taiwan, revealing their roots in issues related to inequality, distrust, economic affordability, and conceptions of body and health care. ; Doctor of Philosophy ; In this study, I explore conceptions of modern and traditional medicine through a historical lens, and break down two related myths: the first myth is the progressive narrative of modern medicine, which holds that modern medicine became dominant because of its medical superiority; and the second myth is the narrative held by extremist supporters of traditional medicine, who insist that only millennia-old traditional medicine can resolve human ailments without giving rise to untoward side effects and exorbitant costs. I show that, in the case of Japanese colonial Taiwan (18951945), both modern and traditional medicine flourished. The history of colonial Taiwan shows us that modern medicine on the island became dominant for two main reasons: first, the public health system successfully dealt with epidemics, which were the most significant threat to life at that time; and second, the colonial government recognized only modern medicine and labeled traditional medicine a non-medicine despite relying on its practitioners in the pre-antibiotic age. The history of colonial Taiwan also shows us that traditional medicine is not "old wisdom" unchanged for thousands of years. Beginning in the 19th century, practitioners of Taiwanese traditional medicine re-constituted it for colonial consumption, arguing that traditional medicine was also true medicine, though epistemologically distinct from modern medicine. This conception of traditional medicine has since informed many current views of traditional medicine. In 2018, the World Health Organization (WHO) published the eleventh revision of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11), which, for the first time, featured a chapter on traditional Chinese medicine covering such topics as diagnostic techniques for Qi, blood, and fluid disorders. This inclusion of traditional medicine into the ICD-11 is a major step forward in this process of medical integration and may help resolve the historical confrontation between modern and traditional medicine. However, the WHO decision limits recognition of traditional medicine to Chinese medicine, excluding all other kinds of traditional medicine. Thus, the historical question of whether or not traditional medicine is a true medicine remains ultimately unanswered.

Der Wahlkampf zur Bundestagswahl 2021 bringt verschiedene Forderungen an den zukünftigen Bundeshaushalt mit sich. So muss dieser in der kommenden Legislaturperiode womöglich die "Mütterrente" finanzieren, die EEG-Umlage übernehmen, den Anstieg der Sozialbeitragsquote über 40 Prozent ausgleichen, auf die Einnahmen aus dem verbliebenen "Solidaritätszuschlag" verzichten und einen höheren Verteidigungsetat schultern. Von einigen potenziellen Koalitionären wird eine Reform der Schuldenbremse jedoch abgelehnt und gleichzeitig sogar signifikante Steuersenkungen versprochen. Die Kostenkalkulationen eines Belastungs-Szenarios für die kommende Legislaturperiode zeigen jedoch wie sehr die Umsetzung selbst einzelner im Wahlkampf diskutierter Politikvorschläge bei Beibehaltung der Schuldenbremse und ohne Steuererhöhungen einer Quadratur des Kreises gleichkommt. Allein die Mehrausgaben bzw. Mindereinnahmen der in diesem Papier diskutierten Wahlkampfversprechen verdreifachen sich im Zeitraum 2022 bis 2025 von 37 Milliarden Euro auf 105,1 Milliarden Euro. Selbst wenn dringende Infrastrukturprojekte zur Modernisierung des Staates und zur Bewältigung der Klimawandels sowie der digitalen Transformation außen vorgelassen werden, ergibt sich ein milliardenschweres Steuerloch. Bei maximal ausgereizter Schuldenbremse bleibt etwa die Finanzierung von bis zu 263 Milliarden Euro bis 2025 fraglich. Die vorhandenen Ausgabenspielräume reichen also bei Weitem nicht aus, die Finanzierungslücke zu schließen. Parallel steigt der Druck auf die Steuereinnahmen: Kamen in Zeiten des ausgeglichenen Haushalts vor Ausbruch der Pandemie Staatsausgaben in Höhe von 1,08 Euro auf einen eingenommen Steuer-Euro, würden sich die Ausgaben bei Realisierung der Ausgabenwünsche auf eine Quote deutlich über 1,40 Euro einpendeln. Die Schuldenbremse wäre dann durch eine entsprechend notwendige Nettokreditaufnahme gerissen. Dabei erscheint ein Herauswachsen aus einer höheren Staatsverschuldung bei derzeitigem Zinsniveau zwar grundsätzlich langfristig möglich, dies erfordert aber eine innovationsfreundliche und investitionsstärkende Politik, die so in keinem der Wahlprogramme zu finden ist. Gleichzeitig werden sich die Erfolge in der Haushaltskonsolidierung des vergangenen Jahrzehnts durch positive Beschäftigungseffekte als auch stark gefallene Zinsausgaben nicht ohne Weiteres einfach wiederholen lassen. Ein schuldenbremsenkonformes Herauswachsen aus den Schulden unter Berücksichtigung der umfangreichen Forderungen an den zukünftigen Bundeshaushalt würde der Dynamik des Wirtschaftswachstums einiges abverlangen. Mangels entsprechender politischer Konsequenz bedürfte es in den kommenden Jahren eines utopischen Wirtschaftswachstums, um das entstehende Haushaltsdefizit mit Steuereinnahmen zu finanzieren. Die Quadratur des Kreises wird nicht gelingen. ; The 2021 election campaign for the German Bundestag reveals various demands on the federal budget over the next years. In the coming legislative period, for example, the federal budget may have to finance the "mothers' pension", take over the EEG levy, compensate for an increase in the social security contribution rate above the predefined threshold of 40 per cent, forego the revenues from the remaining "solidarity surcharge" and shoulder a higher defence budget. Some potential coalition partners, however, reject a reform of the debt brake and at the same time even promise significant tax cuts. Considering a 'burden scenario' for the coming legislative period shows, however, how much the implementation of individual policy proposals discussed during the election campaign would amount to. It appears like trying to 'square the circle' if the debt brake were to be maintained and taxes were not increased. The additional expenditure and/or revenue shortfall of the cam-paign promises shown in this paper alone will triple from 37 billion euros to 105.1 billion euros in the period 2022 to 2025. Even if urgent investment projects to modernise the public infrastructure and to cope with climate change and the digital transformation are left out of the equation, the result is a substantial finance gap worth billions of euros. With the debt brake maxed out, the financing of up to 263 billion euros by 2025 remains open. The existing scope for spending is therefore far from sufficient to close this financing gap. At the same time, the pressure on tax revenues is increasing: Whereas in times of balanced budgets before the out-break of the pandemic, government spending amounted to 1.08 euros for every tax euro collected, spending would level off at a rate well above 1.40 euros if the spending targets were realised. The debt brake would then be breached. Although it seems possible in principle to grow out of higher public debt in the long term at the low level of current interest rates, this would require an innovation-friendly and investment-boosting policy, which is not to be found in any of the election programmes. At the same time, it will not be easy to repeat the successes in budget consolidation of the past decade due to positive employment effects and a sharp drop in interest expenditure. Growing out of debt in line with the debt brake, considering the extensive demands on the future federal budget, would require a great deal from the dynamics of economic growth. In the absence of corresponding political consistency, utopian economic growth would be needed in the coming years to finance the emerging budget deficit with tax revenues. 'Squaring the circle' will not succeed.

The article explores the processes of global use of information technologies and systems, which allows creating economic benefits and promoting social and political integration, causing general prosperity and sustainable development of society. A review of the networked readiness system is provided, which provides executives with directive information on the key pillars to take into account the full use of information and communication technologies in their economic growth strategies. The essence of the modern model of the Network Readiness Index (NRI), which consists of four main pillars (technology, people, governance and impact), is revealed, each of which is formed from three sub-pillars, defining in a complex the real state of the use of information and communication technologies in a particular country. The rating of Ukraine according to the Networked Readiness Index and its main four pillars is presented. The degree of implementation of information technologies at Ukrainian enterprises by types of economic activity and their use of information and communication technologies, depending on the average number of employees, taking into account access to the Internet, the presence of a website and the purchase of cloud computing services are given. The essence and measurements of the basic principles (scientific validity, competence, timeliness, completeness of content, flexibility and homeostaticity) regarding the adoption of management decisions in the network economy are considered, which allows obtaining a synergistic effect. It is proposed to focus further research on the generation and design of a communication and information technology system, increasing investment in the information and communication technology sector and further popularizing the Internet and developing e-commerce. ; В статье исследованы процессы глобального использования информационных технологий и систем, что позволяет создавать экономические преимущества и способствовать социальной и политической интеграции, вызывая общее процветание и устойчивое развитие общества. Осуществлен обзор сетевой системы готовности, которая предоставляет руководителям директивную информацию относительно основных факторов, для учета полного использования информационно-коммуникативных технологий в своих стратегиях экономического роста. Раскрыта сущность современной модели Индекса сетевой готовности (NRI), состоящего из четырех основных факторов (технологии, люди, управления и влияние), каждый из которых формируется из трех подфакторов, определяя в комплексе реальное состояние использования информационно-коммуникационных технологий в конкретной стране. Представлен рейтинг Украины по Индексу сетевой готовности и его основным четырем факторам. Приведены степени внедрения информационных технологий на предприятиях Украины по видам экономической деятельности и использования ими информационно-коммуникационных технологий в зависимости от среднего количества работников, учитывая доступ к сети Интернет, наличие веб-сайта и покупку услуг облачных вычислений. Рассмотрены сущность и измерения основных принципов (научная обоснованность, компетентность, своевременность, полнота содержания, гибкость и гомеостатичность) относительно принятия управленческих решений в сетевой экономике, что позволяет получать синергетический эффект. Предложено сосредоточить дальнейшие исследования на вопросах генерации и проектирования системы коммуникационных и информационных технологий, увеличения инвестиций в сектор информационно-коммуникационных технологий и дальнейшей популяризации Интернет и развития электронной коммерции. ; У статті досліджено процеси глобального використання інформаційних технологій і систем, що дозволяє створювати економічні переваги та сприяти соціальній і політичній інтеграції, зумовлюючи спільне процвітання й стійкий розвиток суспільства. Здійснено огляд мережевої системи готовності, яка надає керівникам директивну інформацію щодо основних факторів, для врахування повного використання інформаційно-комунікативних технологій у своїх стратегіях економічного зростання. Розкрито сутність сучасної моделі Індексу мережевої готовності (NRI), що складається з чотирьох основних факторів (технології, люди, управління та вплив), кожен з яких формується з трьох підфакторів, визначаючи в комплексі реальний стан використання інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій в конкретній країні. Представлено рейтинг України за Індексом мережевої готовності та за його основними чотирма факторами. Наведено ступені запровадження інформаційних технологій на підприємствах України за видами економічної діяльності та використання ними інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій з розподілом за середньою кількістю працівників, враховуючи доступ до мережі Інтернет, наявність веб-сайту та купівлю послуг хмарних обчислень. Розглянуто сутність і виміри основних принципів (наукова обґрунтованість, компетентність, своєчасність, повнота змісту, гнучкість та гомеостатичність) стосовно прийняття управлінських рішень у мережевій економіці, що дозволяє отримувати синергетичний ефект. Запропоновано зосередити подальші дослідження на питаннях генерації та проєктування системи комунікаційних і інформаційних технологій, збільшення інвестицій у сектор інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій та подальшу популяризацію Інтернету й розвиток електронної комерції.

This scientific article is devoted to the study of the topical issue of protection of the rights of the untitled holder in property relations. The genesis of the legal understanding of the powers of this person in the context of the need to revive the dynamics of material turnover as a driving force of social progress is analyzed. It is established that the right to a thing of a bona fide holder, despite the fact that it opposes the requirement of the real owner, is protected by the regulations of the current civil law. After all, certain protective powers of a person who has acquired a thing without a title relate to the interests of the community and other participants in material relations interested in strengthening turnover. On the other hand, given the need for state protection of property rights, the owner also needs quite significant guarantees. Therefore, as postulated in the work, during the untitled possession there is always a certain confrontation between the person who considers himself the owner and those who actually keep the thing. However, the law does not provide obvious advantages to any of these entities. On the contrary, based on the public interest in protecting both the statics and the dynamics of property relations, the legislator has created a legal tool that balances the interests of these individuals. In particular, the legal structure of the restriction of vindication is intended to maintain this balance. According to this approach, only things that have left the title holder against his will, can vindicate. If the property was transferred by such an entity to another person, it is lost forever, and a bona fide purchaser acquires ownership. Of course, such consideration of the interests of a bona fide holder can be perceived as a restriction of the rights of the owner. However, despite the fact that it is not possible to infringe on the interests of the owner in the case of restriction of vindication, it is still considered appropriate to take such a step. It covers these shortcomings with positive effects for civil circulation. First, this normative rule legitimizes confidence in the external appearance of the law, and secondly, this institution ensures the stability of turnover. According to the author, the priority of turnover looks appropriate and proportionate. ; Ця наукова стаття присвячена дослідженню актуального питання охорони прав нетитульного володільця в речових відносинах. Проаналізований генезис юридичного розуміння повноважень даної особи в контексті необхідності пожвавлення динаміки матеріального обороту як рушійної сили суспільного прогресу. Встановлено, що право на річ добросовісного володільця, попри те, що він протистоїть вимозі реального власника, захищаються нормативним положенням чинного цивільного законодавства. Адже окремі охоронні повноваження особи, що набула річ без титулу, стосуються інтересів громади та інших учасників матеріальних відносин, зацікавлених у зміцненні обороту. З іншого боку, з огляду на необхідність державної охорони права власності власник також потребує досить значних гарантій. Відтак, як постулюється у праці, протягом нетитульного володіння завжди існує певне протистояння між особою, що вважає себе власником, та тим, хто фактично утримує річ. При цьому закон не надає очевидних переваг жодному з цих суб'єктів. Навпаки, виходячи із суспільної зацікавленості в захисті як статики, так і динаміки речових взаємини, законодавець створив правовий інструментарій, який забезпечує баланс інтересів цих осіб. Зокрема, підтримувати даний баланс покликана правова конструкція обмеження віндикації. Згідно з даним підходом, тільки речі, що вибули від титульного володільця поза його волею, можуть віндикуватися. Якщо ж майно було передане таким суб'єктом іншій особі, воно втрачається безповоротно, а добросовісний набувач отримує на нього право власності. Звісно, подібне врахування інтересів добросовісного володільця може сприйматися як обмеження прав власника. Та, незважаючи не можливе ущемлення інтересів власника у разі обмеження віндикації, все ж визнано доцільним вчинити такий крок. Він перекриває вказані недоліки позитивними ефектами для цивільного обігу. По-перше, дане нормативне правило легітимізує довіру до зовнішньої видимості права, по-друге, цей інститут забезпечує стабільність обороту. На переконання автора, пріоритет обороту виглядає як доцільний та співрозмірний.

The paper specifies the definition of "competence" of executive managers and positional, professional and social types of the general system competence are separated. The communicative competence structure in managers at higher educational institutions for realizing communicative interaction of participants of the professional training educational process is concretized by methodological content components of administrative management, namely administrative-organizational managerial system relations (descending potential of indirect administrative-organizational communication of a policy of higher educational institutions, coordination-subordination architectonics of the "administrative apparatus", ascending potential of administrative effect at organizing institutional projects), internal system relations (descending administrative-organizational communications of a political strategy of higher educational institutions, potential of ascending administrative-organizational communications for modernization of educational-scientific university systems) and external system relations (sphere of external interaction and system analysis of modern scientific data as to a qualitative external condition of higher educational institutions, world community access to administrative-organizational communication of higher educational institutions with self-government bodies). There are separated communication types of coordination-subordination architectonics of institutional organization of higher educational institutions: administrative-organizational, managerial and process-organizational communications; a structural-logic scheme of mutual influence in contents - administrative-organizational managerial system, internal and external system relations in the "aim tree" of administrative regulation for effective educational policy and quality policy by means of administrative-organizational communications and at realization of the communicative competence of managers at higher educational institutions is projected in the author modification ; В статье уточнена дефиниция «компетентность» менеджеров-исполнителей и выделены виды общесистемной компетентности, а именно - позиционная, профессиональная и социальная. Конкретизирована структура коммуникативной компетентности у менеджеров в высших учебных заведениях для реализации коммуникационного взаимодействия участников образовательного процесса профессиональной подготовки по составляющим контента методологического содержания административного управления, а именно - административно-организационных управленческих системных отношений (нисходящего потенциала косвенной административно-организационной коммуникации политики высших учебных заведений, координационно-субординационной архитектоники «административного аппарата», восходящего потенциала административного воздействия при организации институциональных проектов), внутренне системных отношений (нисходящие административно-организационные коммуникации политической стратегии высших учебных заведений, потенциал восходящих административно-организационных коммуникаций модернизации образовательно-научных систем университета) и внешне системных отношений (сферы внешних взаимодействия и системный анализ современных научных данных относительно качественного внешнего состояния учреждений высшего образования, доступ мировой общественности к административно-организационной коммуникации высших учебных заведений с органами самоуправления). Выделены виды коммуникации координационно-субординационной архитектоники институциональной организации высших учебных заведений: административно-организационные, управленческие и процессно-организационные коммуникации; спроектирована в модификации авторов структурно-логическая схему сфер взаимовлияния в контентах –административно-организационных управленческих системных, внутренне системных и внешне системных отношениях в «дереве целей» административного регулирования для эффективности образовательной политики и политики качества средствами административно-организационных коммуникаций и при реализации коммуникативной компетентности менеджеров в высших учебных заведений ; У статті уточнено дефініцію «компетентність» менеджерів-виконавців та виокремлено види загально-системної компетентності, а саме позиційну, професійну та соціальну. Конкретизовано структуру комунікативної компетентності у менеджерів у закладах вищої освіти для реалізації комунікаційної взаємодії учасників освітнього процесу професійної підготовки за складовими контентами методологічного змісту адміністративного управління, а саме адміністративно-організаційних управлінських системних взаємин (низхідного потенціалу непрямої адміністративно-організаційної комунікації політики закладів вищої освіти, координаційно-субординаційної архітектоніки «адміністративного апарату», висхідного потенціалу адміністративного впливу при організації інституційних проектів), внутрішньо-системних взаємин (низхідні адміністративно-організаційні комунікації політичної стратегії закладів вищої освіти, потенціал висхідних адміністративно-організаційних комунікацій модернізації освітньо-наукових систем університету) та зовнішньо-системних взаємин (сфери навколишньої взаємодії та системний аналіз сучасних наукових даних щодо якісного зовнішнього стану закладів вищої освіти, доступ світової громадськості щодо адміністративно-організаційної комунікації закладів вищої освіти з органами самоврядування). Виокремлено види комунікації координаційно-субординаційної архітектоніки інституційної організації закладів вищої освіти: адміністративно-організаційні, управлінські та процесно-організаційні комунікації; спроектовано у модифікації авторів структурно-логічну схему сфер взаємовпливу у контентах – адміністративно-організаційних управлінських системних, внутрішньо-системних та зовнішньо-системних взаєминах у «дереві цілей» адміністративного регулювання для ефективності освітньої політики та політики якості засобами адміністративно-організаційних комунікацій та при реалізації комунікативної компетентності менеджерів у закладах вищої освіти

The peculiarities of the process of political communication and ecological values at the international level are determined. It is proved that ecological values are designed to form such patterns of political behavior that will allow humanity to reach the benchmarks of technological and industrial development while preserving the natural environment and biodiversity.It is stated that political PR, management of political propaganda, political technologies need analysis and unification on the basis of demarcation of spheres of influence, specific tools for mastering consciousness, ensuring specific tasks of state information policy.It is determined that the interests of public authorities, civil society, specific social groups and even individual citizens in the environmental sphere should be coordinated in order to enhance the effect of the spread of environmental values. An important component of promoting environmental values through political communication is an understanding of its intersubjective nature. Even an individual can be a powerful actor in the political values of the environment. This suggests the need for a decentralized and deconcentrated approach to the dissemination of environmental information.It is proved that the place and significance of ecological values in the hierarchy of meanings and values of political consciousness of citizens in a democracy is determined by the strategic goals of development of each state.It is determined that the strategic goal of political communication in the environmental field is determined on the basis of general vectors of democratic reforms.It is seen that the tasks of democratization correlate with environmental values due to the need for tolerance and respect for all forms of life. It is also consistent with the ideas of humanism and the improvement of human nature. ; Определены особенности процесса политической коммуникации и экологические ценности на международном уровне. Доказано, что экологические ценности призваны сформировать такие образцы политического поведения, которые позволят человечеству достичь ориентиров технологического и производственного развития при сохранении окружающей природной среды и биоразнообразия.Констатируется, что политический пиар, менеджмент политической пропаганды, политические технологии нуждаются в анализе и объединении на основе демаркации сфер влияния, конкретных инструментов овладения сознанием, обеспечения конкретных задач государственной информационной политики.Определяется, что интересы публичной власти, гражданского общества, конкретных социальных групп и даже отдельных граждан в экологической сфере должны координироваться для усиления эффекта от распространения экологических ценностей. Важным компонентом продвижения экологических ценностей средствами политической коммуникации есть понимание ее интерсубъективной природы. Даже отдельный индивидуум может быть мощным актером политических ценностей экологического направления. Это говорит о необходимости децентрализованного и деконцентрированного подхода к распространению экологической информации.Доказывается, что место и значение экологических ценностей в иерархии смыслов и ценностей политического сознания граждан в условиях демократии определяется стратегическими целями развития каждого конкретного государства.Определяется, что стратегическая цель политической коммуникации в экологическом направлении определяется на основе общих векторов демократических реформ.Представляется, что задачи демократизации коррелируются с экологическими ценностями из-за необходимости толерантности и уважительного отношения ко всем формам жизни. Это согласуется с идеями гуманизма и совершенствованием человеческой природы. ; Визначено особливості процесу політичної комунікації та екологічні цінності на міжнародному рівні. Доведено, що екологічні цінності покликані сформувати такі зразки політичної поведінки, які дадуть змогу людству досягти орієнтирів технологічного та виробничого розвитку за умови збереження навколишнього природного оточення та біорізноманіття.Констатується, що політичний піар, менеджмент політичної пропаганди, політичні технології потребують аналізу та об'єднання на основі демаркації сфер впливу, конкретних інструментів опанування свідомістю, забезпечення конкретних завдань державної інформаційної політики.Визначається, що інтереси публічної влади, громадянського суспільства, конкретних соціальних груп навіть окремих громадян в екологічній сфері мають координуватися задля посилення ефекту від поширення екологічних цінностей. Важливим компонентом просування екологічних цінностей засобами політичної комунікації є розуміння її інтерсуб'єктивної природи. Навіть окремий індивід може бути потужним актором політичних цінностей екологічного напрямку. Це говорить про необхідність децентралізованого та деконцентрованого підходу поширення екологічної інформації. Доводиться, що місце і значення екологічних цінностей в ієрархії смислів та цінностей політичної свідомості громадян в умовах демократії визначається стратегічними цілями розвитку кожної конкретної держави. Визначається, що стратегічна мета політичної комунікації на екологічному напрямку визначається на основі загальних векторів демократичних реформ. Вбачається, що завдання демократизації корелюються з екологічними цінностям через необхідність толерантності та поважного ставлення до всіх форм життя. Це також узгоджується з ідеями гуманізму та удосконаленням людської природи.