Suchergebnisse

Despite growing interest in EU-level transnational networks there is little understanding about how these form. This article investigates the formation of one network – the European Coalition for Vision (ECV). Using document analysis of 100 email exchanges, 12 semi-structured interviews and observation of 5 ECV meetings, it identifies environmental and organisational triggers, most important to the creation of the ECV. Findings show that while environmental triggers played a role in ECV formation, organisational triggers were crucial. In particular, the presence of network leaders, a network entrepreneur and a network mentor were vital for the successful creation of the network.

"The European Union is increasingly being asked to manage crises inside and outside the Union. From terrorist attacks to financial crises, and natural disasters to international conflicts, many crises today generate pressures to collaborate across geographical and functional boundaries. What capacities does the EU have to manage such crises? Why and how have these capacities evolved? How do they work and are they effective? This book offers a holistic perspective on EU crisis management. It defines the crisis concept broadly and examines EU capacities across policy sectors, institutions and agencies. The authors describe the full range of EU crisis management capacities that can be used for internal and external crises. Using an institutionalisation perspective, they explain how these different capacities evolved and have become institutionalized. This highly accessible volume illuminates a rarely examined and increasingly important area of European cooperation"--Publisher's website

In recent years, a number of major terrorist attacks in EU member states has put the fight against homegrown and international terrorism at the top of the agenda of European policy-makers. This paper analyzes the costs of terrorism in the European Union from both a theoretical and empirical perspective in order to evaluate counter-terrorism policies by comparing their costs and benefits. Two important policy implications can be derived from our exercise. First, individuals' behavioral predispositions typically result in a biased perception of the risk of terrorism leading to too high a demand for counter-terrorism measures relative to what the objective probability of terrorist events suggests. This results in a tendency to favor repressive over preventive measures against terrorism. Second, uncoordinated European policies against terrorism have the potential to undermine the effectiveness of counter-terrorism measures. If there is a justification for the existence of the European Union (which an increasing number of populist parties in Europe seems to doubt), then it is to provide supranational answers to coordination failure in European counter-terrorism policies.

ABSTRACT
This article analyzes the purpose of the action for failure to act under article 265 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). The statements are derived from the analysis of scientific literature, relevant legislation, practice of the European Union Court of Justice (CJEU) and the European Union General Court (EUGC). Useful information has also been obtained from the opinions of general advocates of the CJEU. The article of TFEU 265, which governs the action for failure to act, is very abstract. For this reason, a whole procedure under the article 265 TFEU was developed by the EU courts. The original purpose of the action for failure to act was to constitute whether European Union (EU) institution properly fulfilled its obligations under the EU legislation. However, in the course of case-law, a mere EU institution's express refusal to fulfill its duties became sufficient to constitute that the EU institution acted and therefore action for failure to act became devoid of purpose. This article analyzes whether the action for failure to act has lost its purpose and become an ineffective legal remedy in the system of judicial review in the EU. Additionally, the action for failure to act is compared to similar national actions.

The internet has had a profound impact on how political scientists understand social movements. Using websites like Facebook and Twitter, demonstrators are able to share and organize their ideas, to develop political strategies, and recruit supporters. Activists communicate with one another and these messages can be analyzed to find patterns in how social movements frame themselves in reaction to current events. In short, the internet has an unprecedented capacity to show how political groups form. By examining posts on social media websites, this paper will assess the motivations of demonstrators involved in the Euromaidan protests and determine the movement's ultimate focus. The emphasis was not, as many foreign outlets claimed, on the Ukraine-European Union Association Agreement, but on President Yanukovych's general unpopularity. In this paper, I will discuss how an anti-Yanukovych focus came to dominate Euromaidan using social framework theory, as well as the role played by social media sites.

Work partially supported by Spanish Government through Project PID 2020-114495RB-I00 and by Network Engineering & Security Group (NESG) . Funding for Open Access Charge: Universidad de Granada/CBUA ; 5G is considered a key technology for society but its implementation is currently surrounded by controversy. Beyond its technical aspects, 5G has become a question of security and national interest for many States as well as an international policy issue. Technological autonomy and digital sovereignty are increasingly recognised as strategic priorities on a global scale. In this context, the EU's position is unique, basically for two reasons. On the one hand, the EU has unintentionally become part of the playing field in the US-China dispute over technology companies and 5G. On the other hand, any policy of the EU or its Member States is constrained by the nature of 5G as an area of either European or national competence. The delimitation of their competences is not clear, just as there is no transparent and understandable distinction of their 5G responsibilities. In order to clarify this situation, a comprehensive analysis of the European competence and legal frameworks is necessary. After that, the study of the evolution process of this European policy provides an overview of its scope and limits. Finally, the paper explains the procedures and instruments of this European policy and concludes by assessing its implementation and development prospects. The possibility of reaching technological autonomy and digital sovereignty for the EU and its member states depends, for the time being, on this European policy. ; Spanish Government European Commission PID 2020-114495RB-I00 ; Network Engineering & Security Group (NESG) ; Universidad de Granada/CBUA

The European Union has been the dominant trade partner of Western Balkan countries for a long time; however, China's trade and economic influence in the region is growing yearly, and its engagement in the region has intensified after the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative. Serbia is the region's most important strategic trading partner for the EU and China. This paper addressed the trade presence of the EU and China in Serbia, examined the trade position of the EU and China in Serbia, the intensity of their mutual foreign trade (TII index), and the trade competitiveness of Serbia's export in selected traded commodities (RCA1 index). The trade position of the EU in Serbia was confirmed as clearly more substantial than that of China, and trade intensity was high. However, China's trade position grew despite its trade exchange intensity, which was well below potential. However, the low values of Serbia's competitiveness index are a severe obstacle to the increase of Serbian exports and some persistent obstacles in the framework of export procedures. The growing passive trade balance in relations with China remains also disturbing.

Over the last decade in European Community politics the principle of subsidiarity has increased in significance as a political value in the debate between federalists, regionalists and sovereign nationalists. This significance culminated in a statement of policy, built around the principle, written into the Treaty of European Union. The statement was agreed on both sides of the political spectrum, not as a symbol of a new ideological convergence but on the basis of the belief, held by all, that the principle would serve their own aims. Clearly, this is not possible, and as a result, a useful political concept which promises so much in fact delivers little, remaining impotent in practical terms and of little consequence, as things presently stand, to future Community developments.

Duff Cooper fell in love with France during his first visit to Paris in 1900 and he remained faithful to her for the rest of his life. The fact that Paris in 1900 was deeply Anglophobic, because of the Boer war, had no effect upon Cooper's feelings for the city. His affection for France was no fair-weather plant. It was deepened by the experience of nine months in the trenches in the Great War and was, thereafter, proof against all discouragements. As a young Foreign Office clerk in 1923 he did not join in the fashionable disparagement of France inspired by the French occupation of the Ruhr. As Minister of War from 1935 to 1937 he fought for the creation of a British army which would be large enough to play a continental role and later, as First Lord of the Admiralty, he was a leading advocate of Anglo-French co-operation. After his resignation in protest against the Munich agreement, Cooper spent his time fostering the idea of an Anglo-French alliance as the corner-stone of a European combination against Hitler's Germany. His love for France even survived the fall of France in June 1940 and, at a time when many francophiles were repenting of their former faith. Cooper renewed his pledges of devotion. Speaking on the wireless as Minister of Information on the eve of the Franco-German armistice, he declared his faith that France would rise again: 'This is not the first time that a great nation has been defeated and has recovered from defeat. They have fought with heroism against superior numbers and superior weapons; their losses have been terrible.' At the Ministry of Information Cooper was one of the earliest patrons of General de Gaulle and his Free French Movement. Given such a long history of Francophilia what could have been more natural than that he should have been appointed as Britain's first post-war ambassador to France. It was not, however, quite so simple as that.

This article is based on an analysis of the treatment of the European Union in a sample of textbooks from Germany and England. Following contextual remarks about civic education (politische Bildung) in Germany and citizenship education in England and a review of young people's views, we demonstrate that textbooks in Germany and in England largely mirror the prevailing political climate in each country regarding Europe. At the same time, the analysis reveals a disparity between the perspectives presented by the textbooks and young people's views. The textbooks in Germany provide more detail and take a more open approach to Europe than those in England. Finally, we argue that the textbooks may be seen as contributing to a process of socialization rather than one of education when it comes to characterizations of Europe.