Suchergebnisse

This study is an empirical analysis using survey data on the attitudes and orientations of the Mexican diaspora in the United States to explain its support for a political union between the two countries. The author articulates a theory of identity and shared affinity to explain their views on this issue. Regression analysis reveals that transnational linked fate, the belief that what happens to Mexicans in Mexico affects the lives of people of Mexican origin in the U.S., and Latino identity are significant independent predictors of support for a Mexico-U.S. political union. These findings signal the importance of the experiences of Mexicans in the U.S. to our understanding of attitudes toward North American politics. ; Este estudio consiste en un análisis empírico que emplea datos de encuestas sobre las actitudes y orientaciones de la diáspora mexicana en Estados Unidos para explicar su apoyo a una unión política entre los dos países. El autor articula una teoría de identidad y afinidad compartida para explicar las visiones de esa población sobre esta cuestión. Un análisis de regresión revela que un destino vinculado transnacional, la creencia de que lo que les sucede a los mexicanos en México afecta la vida de las personas de origen mexicano en Estados Unidos y la identidad latina son factores independientes y significativos que predicen el apoyo a una unión política de México y Estados Unidos. Estos hallazgos señalan la importancia de las experiencias de los mexicanos en Estados Unidos para conocer las actitudes hacia la política norteamericana.

Political science, judging by the reading material that reaches my
desk, has become much more of a science than it was more than 50
years ago when I served on the faculties of the University of
Minnesota and Bennington College. It is important that this
development not distort the reality that politics and government
remain fundamentally human institutions. My own movement from the
academy to practical politics, to private life, and to government
service has reinforced my view that the unpredictable human
ingredient is an essential part of the political process—an obvious
observation but one difficult to quantify. Max M. Kampelman was counselor of the State Department,
U.S. ambassador to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe, and ambassador and U.S. negotiator with the Soviet Union
on Nuclear and Space Arms. He is now chairman emeritus of
Freedom House; the American Academy of Diplomacy; and the
Georgetown University Institute for the Study of
Diplomacy.

A further analysis of fisheries data has been carried out to provide additional information on the quantities of fish caught by United Kingdom fishing boats in the European Union's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), by species and area, in comparison to the quantities caught by European Union fishing boats in the UK EEZ. Overall, three-quarters of the fish and shellfish landed by UK fishing boats over the years from 2009 to 2014 were caught in the UK EEZ, and only 15% elsewhere in the EU EEZ. The proportion caught in the EU EEZ varied only slightly between the different UK fisheries administrations, being highest (18%) for English boats. Pelagic fish, and especially mackerel, accounted for the largest proportion of the fish and shellfish landed by UK boats from the EU EEZ. Other important species caught in the EU EEZ included plaice, monks and scallops. The most important areas for UK boats fishing in the EU EEZ were in the central North Sea (ICES division IVb) and West of Scotland area (VIa). The overall quantity of fish and shellfish landed by UK fishing boats from the European Unions' EEZ was only one-seventh of the quantity landed by EU boats from the UK EEZ. For almost all individual species EU boats landed more from the UK EEZ than UK boats did from the EU EEZ. This pattern held across individual areas: the central and southern North Sea (ICES divisions IVb & IVc), English Channel (VIId & VIIe), Irish Sea (VIIa) and West of Scotland (VIa). Although the make-up of the landings varied between these different areas, in every case the total amount of fish and shellfish landed by EU boats from the UK EEZ was greater than that landed by UK boats from the EU EEZ. The magnitude of the difference varied from two, in the Irish Sea, to more than 12 in the central and southern North Sea. The results of this analysis suggest that, overall, the quantities of fish and shellfish landed by UK fishing boats from elsewhere in the European Union's EEZ were substantially outweighed by the quantities landed by EU boats from the UK EEZ. This held true across individual areas. Where UK boats did land more of individual species from the EU EEZ than did EU boats from the UK EEZ, the differences were generally relatively small, and were invariably outweighed by landings of other species where the balance was substantially the other way.

Gedruckt in: Breton, Albert (u.a.) (Hrsg.): Rational foundations of democratic politics. Cambridge, 2003.

Màster Oficial d'Internacionalització, Facultat d'Economia i Empresa, Universitat de Barcelona, Curs: 2018-2019, Tutoria: Patricia Garcia-Duran Huet ; Los Estados europeos han articulado proyectos de defensa conjuntos en prácticamente todas las décadas desde el fin de la II Guerra Mundial. Sin embargo, la integración europea en este ámbito ha estado marcada por la necesidad de los Estados miembros de agruparse para hacer frente a crisis, más que por una voluntad de integración. Recientemente, factores tanto externos como internos han vuelto a poner el debate sobre una mayor cooperación europea en defensa encima de la mesa. En primer lugar, se ha dado un deterioro del entorno de seguridad. La aparición de conflictos próximos a las fronteras de la Unión Europea, como la anexión rusa de Crimea o la autoproclamación del Estado Islámico en Iraq y Siria, se han sumado a la inestabilidad provocada por la sucesión de ataques terroristas en suelo europeo, las amenazas cibernéticas y a la llegada de más de un millón de refugiados que huyen de las guerras existentes en la región del Norte de África y Oriente Medio. (---)

Anton Shekhovtsov is a political researcher who deals with far right movements and leaders, mainly in Europe and in post-Soviet countries. This book presents a comprehensive and multifaceted analysis of ties between Russian officials and institutions with Western, predominantly European far-right politicians and intellectuals. Shekhovtsov points out that these ties have strengthened after 2004. He examines in detail the various scenarios and strategies the Russian sides resort to  from simple lobbying-like activity to more sophisticated schemes, such as electoral reports made by "independent" commissions consisting of the representatives of European far right parties and movements. Shekhovtsov gives the historical perspective, showing the interaction with the European far right even in the times of the Soviet Union. He presents the story of pre- and post-war plans to take advantage of the rightwing activists in Europe, mainly in Germany. The book by Anton Shekhovtsov is an interesting contribution both to our knowledge about the foreign policy of authoritarian regimes and to the field of international relations and Russian foreign policy.

An expansive and ambitious intellectual history of democratic socialism from one of the world's leading intellectual historians and social ethicists The fallout from twenty years of neoliberal economic globalism has sparked a surge of interest in the old idea of democratic socialism--a democracy in which the people control the economy and government, no group dominates any other, and every citizen is free, equal, and included. With a focus on the intertwined legacies of Christian socialism and Social Democratic politics in Britain and Germany, this book traces the story of democratic socialism from its birth in the nineteenth century through the mid 1960s. Examining the tenets on which the movement was founded and how it adapted to different cultural, religious, and economic contexts from its beginnings through the social and political traumas of the twentieth century, Gary Dorrien reminds us that Christian socialism paved the way for all liberation theologies that make the struggles of oppressed peoples the subject of redemption. He argues for a decentralized economic democracy and anti-imperial internationalism.