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The article actualizes the philosophical and culturological understanding of expert-analytical activity, considered as a special type of intellectual activity and a social technology in demand by society. The author defines the content of culturologist's expert-analytical activity. It is represented not only as a multidisciplinary work of a universal specialist versed in many areas of cultural creativity, but also as a research work of a culturologist capable of reaching the level of broad theoretical generalizations. The author proposes a typology of expert-analytical activities of culturologists, which includes more than ten directions — from the examination of cultural values, legal expertise, evaluation of projects and programs to the humanitarian and linguoculturological expertise. There is identified a group of factors influencing the algorithm and the quality of the examination conducted by researchers. The article reveals the meaning of the context and characteristics of the socio-cultural situation in achieving the effectiveness of results. The author focuses on substantiating the goal-setting and the levels of expediency of invoking expert procedures and analytical work. There is raised the question of creating expert teams (cognitive communities) for the purpose of scientific analysis, discussion and ranking of socio-cultural issues for strategic decision-making as a process of choosing from potential alternatives. The article shows that the basis of the expert community's communicative model includes not only the procedures for obtaining knowledge, methods of transmitting and exchanging information, but also the demonstration of meanings that set conceptual filters for discussion processes in order to obtain objective and full-fledged ideas about the object of expertise. In turn, the involvement in the reflection process provides a critical assessment and stimulates the experts to their own interpretation and decision-making. There is raised the question of the need for teaching critical thinking and professional training of expert culturologists.

The article is devoted to the analysis of proposals for the reform of public administration in the programs of the Russian political parties that participated in the 2021 Duma elections, the assessment of their coherency and realism as an indicator of the party's political maturity, its willingness to implement its slogans in practice. Using classification methods, as well as content and thesaurus analysis, the author documents similarities and differences between these proposals and considers them through the prism of party ideologies and basic administrative paradigms. The study does not reveal a clear correlation between party ideology and proposals for improving public administration: party programs with polar ideologies have similar proposals. At the same time, the author discovers a connection between party ideologies and administrative paradigms presented in the programs. Left-wing parties are oriented towards Good Governance i.e., the openness of the authorities and the involvement of citizens in the administration. New Public Management associated with economic efficiency and client-centric state is typical to right-wing and (to some degree) centrist parties. The Weberian paradigm with its emphasis on the legality and procedural aspects is scarcely presented in the programs of Russian parties. In general, the paradigm of Good Governance is most popular in the programs. The author explains the dominance of this paradigm in party programs both with the populist trend gaining strength all over the world and with a request for social justice inherent in the Russian society. However, according to his conclusion, although parties and society are ready for cooperation, which is reflected in discursive practices, such readiness conflicts with the underdevelopment of the mechanisms of the implementation of Good Governance, which have not yet been developed even at the level of theory. He sees a possible solution to this problem in the unification of the efforts of political scientists and specialists in public administration and overcoming the mismatch between these disciplines.

This article reflects on the challenges faced in the process of improving access to justice and representation of the marginalized communities in the legal system. The author has drawn reflections from his own career as a human rights lawyer. Explaining this, the author first highlights the barriers faced by marginalized communities in the legal system, and then narrates the challenges faced by those who seek to represent the marginalised or espouse their causes. The emphasis of the article is on understanding what it means to be a marginalised person facing the barriers of the system. Lastly, the article suggests institutional measures to approach the challenges thrown up in the process of representing the marginalised.
Acknowledgements
The author acknowledges Mohd. Arsalan Ahmed, Aligarh Muslim University for his assistance in editing the article in the format required by the CASTE: A Global Journal on Social Exclusion.
The Editors of the Journal are grateful to CEDE team (Community for the Eradication of Discrimination in Education and Employment), for facilitating the process of publishing this article in the Journal. CEDE is a network of lawyers, law firms, judges, and other organisations and individuals, who are committed towards reforming the Indian legal profession. It was founded in April 2021 by Disha Wadekar (Lawyer, Supreme Court of India), Anurag Bhaskar (Assistant Professor, O.P. Jindal Global University, India), and Avinash Mathews (Lawyer, Supreme Court of India). Since its inception, CEDE is organising annual Dr Ambedkar Memorial Lectures. The first inaugural lecture in 2021 was delivered by Dr. Justice DY Chandrachud (Judge, Supreme Court of India) on the topic "Why Representation Matters". On 14 April 2022, Dr. S. Muralidhar (Chief Justice, High Court of Orissa) delivered the second annual lecture on the topic "Appearing in Court: Challenges in Representing the Marginalised". This article is an edited version of the lecture delivered by Dr. Justice Muralidhar.

The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela faces a deep political and economic crisis that is exacerbated by severe restrictive measures imposed against it by the United States and their allies. In these circumstances, the availability of external economic support becomes particularly important. In recent years, Russia has become one of the key donors for Venezuela with a wide range of economic diplomacy tools at its disposal. Drawing upon official data, as well as recent findings of Russian and foreign researchers, the present paper examines the evolution of Russian economic diplomacy towards Venezuela during the presidency of H. Chavez (1999–2013) and N. Maduro (2013 — present). The author emphasizes that bilateral economic cooperation was already institutionalized under H. Chavez. The most intense interaction took place in the energy and military-technical fields. The mechanisms of Russian economic diplomacy included primarily public and private loans, investments, and payments for the permission to develop Venezuelan oil deposits. The election N. Maduro was accompanied by a dramatic deterioration of political and economic situation in the country. The crisis was further aggravated by economic sanctions imposed by the US. The latter also affected Russian projects in the republic. However, Russia continued to provide significant support to Venezuela, both through already proven mechanisms of economic diplomacy and a number of new ones, including sovereign debt restructuring and advance delivery of goods. At the same time, the author notes that this assistance remains rather isolated and limited, it affects only specific areas, mainly oil and gas and military-technical cooperation, and its volume is insufficient to effectively address the economic crisis in Venezuela. In this context, the domestic economic policy of the Venezuelan government is of particular importance. Indeed, liberal economic reforms carried out since 2018 were helpful for recovery from the economic crisis. In this connection, the author provides a list of measures and mechanisms Russia could implement in the framework of economic diplomacy to ensure this positive trend.

The author implements the constructivist approach to study the discourse of imaginary geography and its main concepts based on the analysis of the facts of the discourse – the main ideological texts that form the imaginary geography of Turkey in the 19th-21st centuries, and significant events like the publication of maps. The author considers the imaginative geography as a representative and performative discourse of power connected with historical memory and nation-building. The article demonstrates how Turkey, relying on the Turkic and Islamic ideological dominants, uses the technologies of force (G. Fields). State and media mapping is going along with the construction of architecture in territories inhabited by Turks and Muslims, which is carried out at the state level. The analysis showed that at this stage imaginative geography becomes a tool for promoting Turkey's national interests not only in the post-Ottoman, but also in the post-Soviet spaces. It justifies Turkey's active foreign policy and legitimizes it in the eyes of people inhabiting this imaginative geography. The inclusion of a religious component expands this geography to a worldwide reach. Through an imaginative geography, relying on the political ideas of Turkism that developed in the twentieth century and underwent Islamization, Turkey projects a new regional configuration, where its role becomes the leading one. Turkey's active foreign policy includes maintaining its central position through a set of tools, such as humanitarian policy, constructing an imaginary geography and fixing it through the concepts of "geography-destiny" and "geography of the heart", visualization through mapping. The author comes to the conclusion that although the example of Turkey in the use of imaginative geography is not unique, it demonstrates an example of the successful implementation of the technologies of force and should be taken into account when developing Russia's foreign policy strategy.

The research focuses on the relevant linguistic problem of scientific texts genre organization analysis aimed at identification of their common and distinctive features in different languages, and specifics of their linguistic means determination. The article represents the peculiarities of research paper carried out in the frameworks of German scientific discourse by a native German speaker and a non-native one. The research material is comprised of the German-language scientific articles on linguistics published in the collection of scientific works of an international conference. Three categories of scientific articles underwent the analysis: the article written by a native German speaker; the article written by a non-native German speaker; the co-authored article by native and non-native German speakers. The text array of the considered discourse has been studied in order to identify structural and verbal peculiarities of the text of scientific article, written by the representatives of different linguacultures – a native or a non-native speaker. Similarities and differences in dictum and modus components, thematic affiliation, research paradigm are established. The communicative purpose, the image of the author and the addressee, the elements of formal organization of the scientific text are determined. The most frequent verbal means, which indicate discursive parameters of a scientific article, are revealed. The analysis showed significant divergences in the use of linguistic means. The author argues that the articles of non-native German speakers demonstrate grammatical and genre interference of their native language: the author of a scientific publication in a foreign language applies linguistic means peculiar to the language system of the native language and adjusts their use to the genre conventions of the native language. It signifies linguacultural determination of scientific discourse and holds out prospects for further studies.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the epistemology of communicative knowledge. It is argued that the central problem in the analysis of such knowledge is the question of the status of testimony. The author discusses reductionism and non-reductionism as two traditional approaches to the problem of trust to testimony. The aim of the article is to describe the arguments of both approaches and to carry out their critique.Methodology and sources. The author uses the method of conceptual analysis to address the task at hand. The primary sources of the paper include the works of the classics of the theory of knowledge – D. Hume and T. Reid. The secondary sources include works of modern authors, belonging to the Anglo-American philosophical tradition.Results and discussion. Reductionism argues that although testimonial beliefs can be accepted on the basis of the reliability of the informant, the testimony itself does not provide justification. Ultimately, reductionism reduces testimony to another source of justification, such as perception or memory. The article explains that reductionism's weakness is to account for normal social interactions when the reliability of the speaker is unknown. Non-reductionism argues that testimony does not provide justification by reduction to other sources. Testimony itself is a valid form of social proof. The informant does not need additional positive reasons to accept the speaker's claims as valid. Testimony is justified by default unless it is proven false or unreliable. However, the weakness of non-reductionism is the relativistic implication in cases of cognitive asymmetry between the informant and the informant.Conclusion. The article concludes that reductionism and non-reductionism are equally unsatisfactory theories. The author believes that the formation of communicative knowledge does not depend on trust in the informant's testimony. It is proposed to consider the issue of trust in the informant himself as an epistemic agent. It is suggested that such an analysis should start from an virtue epistemology.

Introduction. The author analyzes the features of the historical memory of the American Civil War in American pop culture as a form of historical memory that dominates in the consumer society. Methods and materials. The problems of imagination and invention of images of the civil war are analyzed in the contexts of cultural history, as well as intellectual history and the history of ideas. Analysis. The author presumes that 1) the historical memory of the U.S. Civil War in modern American identity is heterogeneous; 2) various forms of culture, including "high", "mass" and "popular", actualize the images of the civil war; 3) "high" culture became the first form of imagination of the civil war in American identity; 4) in the 20th century, various forms of consumer society culture ("mass" and "popular") assimilated images of the civil war; 5) "popular" culture presents a "transitional" (from "high" to "mass") version of the memory of the war. Results. Analyzing the transformation of the Civil War memory in the pseudo-documentary film "C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America" (directed by Kevin Willmott), the author presumes that 1) popular culture reduced the civil war to a minor event in the history of the Confederation; 2) the film offers an alternative version of American historical memory, actualizing the possible trajectories of the "invention" of images of the civil war in the reality where South won; 3) the film is integrated into the intellectual history and archeology of American mass-cult ideas; 4) some texts by American intellectuals belonging to the discourse of alternative history, became cultural stimuli for the project of Kevin Willmott; 5) the transformation of the memory of the Civil War in American pop-culture actualizes the crisis of memory in society, which wasn't successful in its attempts to overcome the historical trauma of racism and racial discrimination.

Based on the analyzed information from various sources and a wide range of literature, the author makes an attempt to assess the significance of the dynastic ties of the Dagestan rulers in organizing a joint struggle against the Iranian conquest in the 18th century, to determine the role of political marriage in the relationship of local rulers. To achieve this goal, the study consideres a number of key issues, from which particular conclusions are drawn. The work applies general scientific and specific methods. When restoring dynastic ties, the information from written sources was critically analyzed. To structure the work, a typological method was used, which made it possible to group the information obtained. By examining the political and administrative map of the region, the potential complexity of the political relations of local dynasties that formed over the centuries in a tight space has been shown. In the context of global history, the ways of forming family ties between royal houses are determined: the presence of a common ancestor of the Dagestan dynasties, the separation of an independent branch of the dynasty through conflict, the peaceful division of the state between heirs, followed by the separation of independent dynasties, and the conclusion of political marriages. The same universal formula is used by the author to restore family ties between the Dagestan dynasties (Shamkhals of Tarky, Kaitag Utsmis, Kazikumukh, Quba and Avar khans) and their neighbors. Special attention is paid to the restoration of dynastic ties during the invasion of the Iranian conqueror Nadir Shah in the 18th century. Analyzing political alliances in the context of dynastic ties, the author considers the role of political marriage in organizing a joint struggle against the Iranian ruler. The study allows us to draw conclusions about the significant role of political marriage as a tool of diplomacy, but far from having a decisive role in specific historical events.

The article aims to explore the interplay between economic and strategic reasons, which influenced the oil policy of the French government and business in the 1920s. The author demonstrates the heterogeneity and complexity of this policy the diverse nature of motives and interests behind the different attempts to acquire access to the oil. The French case throws some new light on the role of the "oil factor" in international relations and Great Powers' politics. The article comprehensively deals with the topics often divided between different fields strategic studies, international political economy, diplomatic history. The author uses French archives to place Paris' oil policy into the broader context of the French strategy and diplomacy in the first decade after WWI. Additional documents from the British and Russian archives help understand essential aspects of the Anglo-French and FrancoSoviet interactions around the "oil question." After underlying the new strategic importance of oil, which became evident during WWI, and describing the oil dependence of France from the Anglo-American trusts ("Standard Oil" and "Royal Dutch-Shell"), the author traces the three key aims of the French oil policy. First, to diversify the supplies; second, to acquire control or direct access to the oil sources; and, finally, to consolidate the French business interests with the mediation of the state authorities. French actions in these three directions were interlinked, and they mirrored a specific situation of power and weakness of France after WWI. The article concludes that the strategic and economic reasons were interwoven inside the French oil policy. Though the French authorities perceived the growing strategic importance of oil sharply, they were not prepared to follow the clear étatist economic policy and did not try to make a radical change of the established rules of oil policy both inside the Third Republic and in the relations with "Standard Oil" and "Royal Dutch-Shell."

Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of formation of the digital elite, determines the legitimacy and regularity of its appearance as a new stratum of the global information society. The paper shows that the study of the process of formation of the digital elite, and the strengthening of its power components is relevant and at the same time complex, with no unambiguous judgments in modern political science. It requires increased attention of the Russian state to the problems of information security and the protection of information sovereignty. Methods and materials. When preparing the article, the author relied on the concept of the global information society, as well as a systematic analysis of the digital society and its strata as a single, complexly organized organism. The methods of comparative analysis, structural and institutional approach and scientific forecasting were used. Analysis. The author examines the general trends of the genesis of the global digital society, the current stage of human development, determines the essence and main features of the new emerging social stratum of this society – the transnational digital elite, its significance and influence on the development of world and Russian society. The article substantiates the thesis that through the digital management of society and the economy, transnational elites have the potential to establish global world governance in the long term. However, according to the author, such a prospect is not deterministic, but is only one of the options for the future development of mankind. The paper also reveals some features of the modern Russian digital transformation, examines the possibilities of the emergence of the Russian digital elite. Results. According to the results of the study, it is concluded that the formation of the digital elite occurs as a result of the gradual transformation of the ruling national and transnational elites, their transition to digital management technologies.

The author of the article, using archival documents and literature, reproduces the conceptual views on the common pages of German-Ukrainian history, set out in the works of a prominent Ukrainian scholar, Academician Stepan Rudnytskyi. The article proves that Rudnytsky attached great importance to German influences on the rise of Ukrainian nation-building and stressed that these ties were only constructive for Ukraine. The scholar believed that the German neighborhood had only beneficial consequences for Ukraine, as even Ukrainian nationalism emerged in Galicia in the late 19th and early 20th centuries under the influence of German nationalism, and the Central Council and Hetmanate in 1918 were able to form on the ruins of the Russian Empire. The author states that Rudnytskyi was convinced that the Germans should serve as a model for Ukrainians in business, industry and trade, achieving a high level of science and culture, and even choosing the capital as the center of political life and international relations. The scholar, like many of his contemporaries – scholars in Germany, Austria and Ukraine, treated the Germans from the perspective of racist theory and considered Ukrainians a people related to the Germans. The author reproduces Rudnytskyi's views on the issue of ethnocentrism, showing on the basis of sources that the scholar, in his quest to build a national Ukrainian state within its ethnic borders, focused primarily and almost exclusively on Germany. Substantiating the need for such a German-centric orientation for the nation-state Ukraine, Rudnytsky demonstrated a pragmatic approach, supporting his arguments with considerations of the benefits that Germany and the German people would derive from relations with Ukraine. This benefit, in accordance with the academician's vision, consisted, on the one hand, in the usefulness for the Germans of the existence of the future Ukrainian state as a factor capable of preventing escalation of European conflicts, and, on the other hand, in the geographical position ...

Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic and the use of lockdowns to prevent new outbreaks in many countries, the Internet has become more actively used, various information technologies and services appeared, the role of bloggers in creating and promoting news, educational and life-style content increased. The PRC was at the forefront, where, since 2005, blogging has been actively developing in parallel with the content censoring and moderation system.
In the framework of this study, the author, using the example of Chinese opinion leaders (influencers) in the Internet, analyzes the regulation of social media in the context of promoting certain norms and values. The paper highlights and discusses the main factors (technological and economic) influencing the development of the blogosphere in China, identifies the leading bloggers on the most popular platforms, analyzes the main regulations and violations of it by the opinion leaders, as well as technological innovations in the regulation of social media.
The purpose of the study is to identify the role of influencers in the PRC in the process of promoting the norms and values and features of social media regulation. The "core socialist values" proclaimed in 2012 are considered as the main value orientations, and the possibility of relaying these values is based on the theory of the two-step communication flow by E. Katz, where, according to the author, the state or the media acts as the primary flow, and the opinion leaders are the key bloggers.

As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that during the directive regulation of social media certain value orientations are promoted in a slightly expanded version, including the visual content. Mostly public and individual values are being promoted, as well as innovative technologies are being introduced that make it possible to indirectly influence on the formation of public opinion.

The article substantiates the importance of studying a number of factors that are decisively capable of influencing the preservation of the territorial integrity of our country. Nowadays Ukrainian society in the current stage of its own independent state development has faced a huge impact of the partial state territory annexation, which requires thorough understanding of what led to these events and the identification of effective and preventing means of this kind of phenomena. The article supports the need to reassess priorities in the course of the decentralization strategy implementation, taking into account the minimization of possible potential threats of separatism in the specific regions of our country. The author draws the attention to the conditions that can form and strengthen the separatist potential in the course of administrative reform and modernization of the territorial administration system. In addition, the article deals with the issues of overcoming contradictions in the existing system of administration aimed at reducing incentives for the separatist potential accumulation in the process of reformation which should build and broaden the system of local self-government in modern Ukrainian society. The author pays attention to the possible threats to the realization of the separatist potential for Ukrainian national security and territorial integrity. The article sets forth a number of factors that can stimulate separatist tendencies in the course of the national strategy implementation of the public administration system decentralization. The author emphasizes the need to overcome the excessive politicization of the territorial administration bodies activities, and the necessity to use wider legal mechanisms in problem solving of interaction between central and local governments. The attention is focused on the need to implement measures which can contribute to balancing the levels of economic development of the regions and to minimizing external influence on this process. In addition, the ...

The article reviews current efforts to improve lawmaking which take place in a rapidly changing modern technological environment and are informed by the introduction of new information and digital technologies. On the one hand, the processes of digitization have an impact upon societal relations in all aspects of public life, leading to a fast growth of the volume of rulemaking. Law has an important role to play in the development of digital society and in the establishment of legal regimes necessary for the creation and development of modern technologies and for a functional business environment. On the other hand, the process itself of developing, adopting and putting laws into force changes and transforms under the impact of digital technologies. The author reviews practices of the application of IT technologies at different stages of lawmaking and examines the consequences, challenges and complexities of the introduction of digital tools. She pays special attention to the use of technologies of "digital rulemaking" by federal executive agencies in Russia and elsewhere and explores possibilities for improving them. The author also highlights the necessity to create a digital support for rulemaking, which would allow, inter alia, to automate the process of developing, and coordinating officially required cross-agency feedback for, drafts of laws/bylaws issued by the Government of the Russian Federation and federal executive agencies; the author argues that the electronic resources of the houses of the Federal Assembly should be connected to this system too. This would lay the foundation for creating a single integrated governmental system for developing and adopting laws/bylaws wherein all participants of lawmaking are connected with each other. The article reviews modern trends in developing and introducing digital services for lawmakers and technologies of machine readable law.