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The book presents debates around the concept of representation and how these ideas apply to representation for selected disadvantaged groups in India. It discusses empirical concerns and examines political representation of these disadvantaged groups in post-independence India. The experience of political representation of SCs, STs: the method of election, role of political parties in providing representation, role played by these groups in parliamentary institutions, and the extent of their participation. A second, significant area the volume attempts to cover is representation of the Muslim minority in parliament and state assemblies and understanding the reasons for their under-representation since independence, and more particularly in recent years. Dr Sudha Pai retired as Professor from the Centre for Political Studies and as Rector (Pro-Vice Chancellor) of the Jawaharlal Nehru University in January 2016. She was Senior Fellow at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi from 2006 to 2009 and National Fellow of the ICSSR from 2015-2017. Dr Pai was awarded the 2019 Exemplar Award for Outstanding Academic Achievement by the South Asian Studies Association, USA at the South Asian Studies Association Conference at Claremont College Mckenna, Los Angeles, in 2019. Dr Sukhadeo Thorat is Chairman, Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR); former Chairman of University Grants Commission (UGC); and Professor of Economics, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. He has a BA (Milind College of Arts, Aurangabad, Maharashtra), MA in Economics (Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad), MPhil/PhD in Economics (Jawaharlal Nehru University) and Diploma in Economic Planning (Main School of Planning, Warsaw, Poland). His research areas include agricultural development, rural poverty, institution and economic growth, problems of marginalised groups, economics of caste system, caste discrimination and poverty. He was the Director of the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi from 2003 to 2006 and the Research Associate of International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington DC, USA, since 1992. In 2008 he was awarded the Padmashree in the field of literature and education.

The book deals with the pricing of ecosystem services provided by agriculture. All provisioning, regulating, supporting and cultural services are being covered in this title. Chapters in this contributed volume cover topics such as pricing of services from the soil, water, and nutrient management. Quantified monetary values of carbon sequestration and renewable energy applications in agriculture are covered with clear-cut methodologies. This book also links ecosystem service-based pricing with crop insurance. Improving the farmers livelihood is the central goal of the agricultural production system throughout the world. Under the climate change context, farms produce is now climate-vulnerable and heavily dependent on weather conditions. Moreover, we often neglect the contribution of several positive impacts of agricultural practices on ecosystems and natural resources. Therefore, there is a need to quantify and value these ecosystem services in agriculture. However, valuation and pricing the services in agriculture both tangible and intangible is a challenge. It is necessary to have clear-cut methodologies for pricing ecosystem services of agriculture in terms of net monetary benefits. The ecosystem service-based pricing could be a solid basis for calculating the insurance to farmers in case of occurrence of natural hazard and associated crop damage. This book is of interest to scholars, teachers, researchers, environmental scientists, watershed managers, capacity builders, and policymakers. The book also serves as effective reading material for undergraduate and graduate students of agriculture economics, ecology, agronomy, and environmental sciences. National and international agricultural scientists, policymakers will also find this to be useful.

This book provides an in-depth, feminist and sociological analysis of Gamergate, a major social movement and anti-feminist harassment campaign. Gamergate provides a clear example of both how a modern anti-feminist 'backlash' is enacted, and how feminists in the digital age respond. Chapters connect Gamergate to the broader Men's Rights Activism (MRA) political movement, examining men's anxieties surrounding what they see as an erosion of male privilege, their conflation of privilege with rights, as well as their use of social media to harass and attack women as a response to their perceived oppression. Likewise, the author analyses the online strategies used by feminists to respond to this backlash, how social media is harnessed to build a feminist movement, the effectiveness of these online strategies, and the parallels that these actions have with those from previous waves of feminism. Finally, the author reflects on what has changed with regards to MRA, online harassment, and digital feminism after the height of Gamergate. This book will be of interest to scholars in Gender Studies, Sociology, and Media Studies.

This book explores the uses of the past in foreign policy-making. It outlines why and how political leaders refer to historical events in contemporary foreign policy discourses; the goals they hope to achieve; and the sometimes unintended foreign policy consequences of their (ab)use of historical memory. Furthermore, it looks at how political leaders shape domestic collective memories in pursuit of their international agendas, and highlight historical events leaders forget, reinterpret or obscure through selective narratives. The chapters explore a variety of theoretical concepts that shed light on how memory and foreign policy are linked in a complex and reciprocal way. The following mechanisms are discussed: the application of historical analogies; the construction of historical narratives; the creation of memory sites; the marginalisation and forgetting of the past; and the securitisation of historical memory. Through the use of a number of methodological approaches (such as discourse analysis, narrative analysis and content analysis of securitising moves) and a broad range of qualitative and quantitative data (newspaper articles, policy documents, commemorative speeches, interviews with policymakers and the observation of memory sites), the contributions highlight the interdependence of the international, national, regional and local dimensions of memory practices and history writing. Although they mostly focus on national case studies of foreign policy-making, they also reveal how representations of historical events evolve through interaction between political actors at the international level of analysis. The collection originated in the section entitled Exploring the Link between Historical Memory and Foreign Policy at the annual Pan-European Conference of the European International Studies Association (EISA) 2018 held in Prague, the Czech Republic. Lina Klymenko is Researcher in the International Relations Programme at Tampere University, Finland, and Adjunct Professor at the Karelian Institute at the University of Eastern Finland. Marco Siddi is Montalcini Assistant Professor at the University of Cagliari, Italy, and Senior Research Fellow at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs. He is also Adjunct Professor in World Politics at the University of Helsinki, Finland, and Adjunct Professor in International Affairs at Tampere University, Finland.

In this timely book, Brazilian political philosopher Marcos Nobre analyzes the social and political roots of the election of Jair Bolsonaro to the presidency of Brazil and shows how this process is connected to the rise of new far-right movements threatening democracy around the world. Nobre describes the rise of the movement that elected Bolsonaro as a reactionary and anti-democratic highjack of the democratic impulse unleashed by the June 2013 uprisings, when millions of Brazilians took to the streets to protest against a dysfunctional political system, and frames the Brazilian case within the global crisis that exposed the limits of a democracy based on the neoliberal consensus after the 2008 financial crisis. According to Nobre, the June 2013 uprisings in Brazil was part of the global cycle of popular protests that swept many countries between 2011 and 2013, reclaiming a new model of democracy which could go beyond bureaucratic and technocratic parties and cabinets. However, in Brazil, as in many other places, this initial democratic impulse was captured by new far-right movements which are now posing serious threats to democracy. This book intends to collaborate in a change of attitude, both theoretical and practical, that may help finding ways of fighting the authoritarian threat to democracy as well as of deepening democracy as a life form. The decline of neoliberalism not only did not produce any effectively progressive realist alternative, but also opened the way for a dispute over models of society in which democracy itself has ceased to represent the primary reference in disputes over the best way to regulate life in society. Democracy is no longer self-evident, it is in danger. And the only way to save it is by inventing new democratic practices to overcome the limits imposed by institutional political systems no longer capable of channeling the real struggles in the societies they claim to represent.

The second and expanded edition of this award-winning book provides the most up-to-date and important efforts for improving the quality of life in communities around the world. It focuses on community improvements in relation to the interdisciplinary field of clinical sociology. The first part of the book includes updated analyses of important concepts and tools for community intervention. It discusses the importance of centrally involving community members in all phases of community development activities. Part II includes several completely new chapters and focuses on projects in a number of countries -- the United States, Brazil, South Africa, Canada, the Philippines and France. It covers topics such as establishing human rights cities; involving and empowering local communities; research in communities; the healthy cities movement; and climate change. This edition includes several new gender-focused chapters, addressing local level initiatives based on the recommendations of the Committee on the Elimination and Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), women in prison, and gender factors in climate risk. The appendices include profiles of outstanding practitioners and scholar-practitioners over the last 100 years. This edition includes contributions from well-known scholars and practitioners in clinical sociology and is of interest to sociologists, social policy makers, social workers, and sustainability researchers. The first edition of this book received the Distinguished Scholarly Book Award from the Clinical Sociology Division of the International Sociological Association.

Since immemorial times, persons have been engaged in disputes in metaphysics. This book reacts to this fact by supporting five theses. Thesis 1 is that disputes are micro-wars that have a significant social importance; they involve conflicting parties who may resort to some kind of violence and depend on normative factors. Thesis 2 is that disputes can be approached from right-wing or left-wing stances. Thesis 3 is that the grounds for endorsing an approach to a dispute are problematic starting points that may be rationally rejected. Thesis 4 is that disputes have an incommensurable greatness. Thesis 5 is that right-wing approaches to disputes may be less appealing than the left-wing one championed by the book for those who endorse that one is to avoid expressing "subtle" violence. This is the violence expressed by those who suggest that others who disagree with ones criteria to deal with disputes fall short of logos or act as if such others did not exist. Dr Felipe G. A. Moreira worked as a Lecturer of Philosophy at the University of Miami in Florida, USA. He also held the posts of Substitute Professor of Philosophy at Lavras Federal University in Minas Gerais, Brazil, and of Science, Technology and Society Lecturer at Code University of Applied Sciences in Berlin, Germany. .

Drawing on the history of social care, international comparisons and lived experience, this vital book outlines a different vision of social care as an essential part of England's economic and social infrastructure that enables people to live good lives.

This collection moves from COVID to Kairos, engaged with the legacy of Paul Tillich. Liminal spaces reflect ambiguous transitional moments in human consciousness and culture. In early 2020, cultures and states turned inward for protection, exacerbating intertwined health, political, racial justice, and economic crises. Tillich would have understood these overlapping challenges to be heralding a kairotic moment, reflecting simultaneous crises and opportunities. The collected essays reflect on the intersections of COVID and Kairos. Authors engage numerous ethical challenges precipitated by the current Kairos moment, thinking through and with Tillich. Other essays offer reflections on our cultural moment, engaging topics from public health to video games to hate speech. Reflecting on the cultural moment, this collection offers unique insight into the Tillichian legacy for the present and future.

Recent research has challenged our view of the Abrahamic religious traditions as unilaterally intolerant and incapable of recognizing otherness in all its diversity and richness; but a diachronic and comparative study of how these traditions deal with otherness is yet to appear. This volume aims to contribute to such a study by presenting different treatments of otherness in medieval and early modern thought. Part I: Altruism deals with attitudes and behaviors that benefit others, regardless of its motives. We deal with the social rights and emotions as well as the moral obligations that the very existence of other human beings, whatever their characteristics, creates for a community. Part II: Religious recognition and toleration considers identity, toleration and mutual recognition created by the existence of religious or ethnic otherness in a given social, religious or political community. Part III: Evil deals with religious otherness that is considered evil and rejected such as heretics and malevolent, demonic entities. The volume will ultimately inform the reader on the nature of religious toleration (including beliefs and doctrines, even emotions) as well as of the self-definition of religious communities when encountering and defining otherness in different ways.--

Seit den 50er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts war umstritten, welches Gewicht Nietzsches Nachlass für sein Philosophieren und das Bild seiner Philosophie zukommt. Sagten die einen, hier vor allem Karl Schlechta, der Nietzsches Werke neu herausgab, es stehe nichts im Nachlass, was sich nicht auch im veröffentlichten Werk finde, so Karl Löwith und Martin Heidegger, "Was Nietzsche zeit seines Schaffens selbst veröffentlicht hat, ist immer Vordergrund. Die eigentliche Philosophie bleibt als ,Nachlaß' zurück" (Heidegger). Beides ist aus heutiger Sicht unhaltbar. Die neue manuskriptgetreue Edition des Nachlasses in diplomatischer Transkription lässt die Frage nun methodisch entscheiden. Der international renommierte Nietzsche-Forscher Werner Stegmaier, der Jahrzehnte lang auch die Nietzsche-Studien und die Reihe Monographien und Texte zur Nietzscheforschung mitherausgegeben hat, legt dazu eine grundlegende Studie zur neuen textnahen oder kontextuellen, differentiellen und chronologischen Nietzsche-Interpretation vor. Diese lässt den Denker an der Arbeit, in seinem experimentellen philosophischen Orientierungsprozess beobachten. Daraus werden auch seine berühmten Lehren vom Übermenschen, vom Willen zur Macht, von der ewigen Wiederkunft und von den Herren der Erde in Also sprach Zarathustra neu verständlich.

This book offers a systematic inquiry into how, why, and with what consequences media affects governments and the standing of prime ministers. It aims at an understanding of how media has caused institutional effects in government, as well as at advancing a unified theory of government communication. The author develops a logic of centralization and applies it to one case, Sweden. Government communication has been institutionalized, tightened and centralized with the prime minister and has changed irreversibly. Analysis of how the government communication system has evolved, mainly in its institutional structures, suggests that the shift to centralization arose more out of necessity than choice. For prime ministers most of this is about finding ways to ensure that the entire government respond to media uniformly. As governments face a set of functional demands from media, different kinds of media, uniformity has been a paramount objective. Nevertheless, this development involves shifting dynamics of intra-executive relations and a shift of power away from ministries to the prime ministers office; the apex of political power. The prime minister has been empowered at the expense of ministers through the concentration of power and resources to the executive centre. That is partly because of media, which reinforces political hierarchies. That and the centralized control of government news in turn raises further questions about democratic governance and the nature of modern-day governing. Karl Magnus Johansson is Affiliate Professor of Political Science at Sodertorn University, Stockholm, Sweden.