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FOCUSING ON GERMANY AND THE USSR AS TOTALITARIAN STATES, AND BRITAIN, U.S., AND FRANCE AS DEMOCRATIC STATES, AND RELYING LARGELY ON BIOGRAPHICAL AND AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SOURCES, SEVERAL DEMOCRATIC-TOTALITARIAN CONTRASTS ARE ADDRESSED; DEMOCRATIC STATES ARE CHARACTERIZED BY GENERALLY MORE STRUCTURED, LEGAL-RATIONAL RELATIONSHIPS AT THE TOP LEVELS OF POLITICAL-MILITARY HIERARCHIES WITH MUCH GREATER RELIANCE ON COMMITTEE AND OTHER VOLUNTARY COORDINATING MECHANISMS OF THE MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS; MORE INVOLVEMENT BY MILITARY IN STRATEGIC ISSUES; MORE DIFFUSE AND OFTEN POLITICALLY SIGNIFICANT STATUS AS WELL AS GREATER PROFESSIONAL AUTONOMY FOR THE MILITARY; MUCH LESS DRASTIC MILITARY ACCOUNTABILITY FOR FAILURE, BUT ALSO MUCH MORE PUBLIC-LEGAL ACCOUNTABILITY BY MILITARY PROFESSIONALS. THE IMPACT OF THESE DIFFERENCES ON THE BATTLEFIELD APPEARS TO HAVE BEEN MIXED WITH SOME SIGNIFICANT ADVANTAGES ACCURING TO THE TOTALITARIAN STATES.

India is a land of sacred cows. They are abundant in the fields, are present with gods in every temple, figure prominently in Parliament and Assemblies, are the deciding factor in elections, and are the subject of judgement in the highest court of India. The sacredness has attained such heights that social scientists from allover the world have made attempts;to find an approach to the study of sacred cows. Cultural ecologists (Harris 1966) and economists (Raj 1969, Heston 1971) have argued intensely in favour of the appropriateness of their respective approach to the problem. I attempt here to add yet another approach, which I call a sociological approach. The objective of this paper is to demonstrate the cultural meaning of cow, which is held in great reverence , by Hindus, and to show t):lat these values of sacredness are more heavily influenced by the socio-political system than by the economic system.

Introduction -- Mythos and logos -- The biblos and the dialectic of the sacred logos -- Scientific rationality and the dialectic of the Enlightenment -- Myth and meaning -- Approaching myth -- Naming the unknown, grounding significance -- Myth and the critique of political reason -- Classical theories of political myth -- Political myth, ideology and utopia -- Myth, historical narratives and the social imaginary -- Myth and identity -- Political myths today : the extraordinary and the banal.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgements -- Preface -- 1 A Short Organum for Cyberformance: The Internet as an Apparatus of Communication -- 1.1 Introducing the 'cyber turn': from #Hamnet to #Dream40 -- 1.2 All the world's a (cyber)stage: cyberformance as theatre -- 1.3 Cyberformance characteristics: liveness and interactivity -- 1.4 From Tahrir to Taksim: cyberformance as a performative -- 2 Towards an Online Community-Engaging and Participatory Theatre: Participation, Interaction and Engagement

This article investigates the construction of medical knowledge and practice in gynecology and obstetrics. Specifically, it focuses on the transformations of social and medical meanings in the pregnant body that occurred since the end of the 19th century and during the 20th century, and which make possible the process of medicalization, pathologization and hospitalization of childbirth. Likewise, the effects that the technocratic medical model of care for the pregnancy / childbirth binomial has in terms of the experience of these processes in women are explored; concluding on the need to deepen the elements of the medical paradigm, the training of health professionals and the working conditions in the health sector that intervene in the problem of dehumanization of care. ; Este artículo indaga sobre la construcción del saber y la práctica médica en ginecobstetricia. Se centra específicamente en las transformaciones de los significados sociales y médicos sobre el cuerpo gestante y parturiente que se dieron desde finales del siglo XIX y en el transcurso del siglo XX, y que posibilitan el proceso de medicalización, patologización y hospitalización del parto. Así mismo, se exploran los efectos que tiene el modelo médico tecnocrático de atención al binomio embarazo/parto, en cuanto a la experiencia de dichos procesos en las mujeres. El artículo concluye en la necesidad de profundizar en los elementos del paradigma médico, la formación de los profesionales y las condiciones laborales del sector de la salud, que intervienen en la problemática de la deshumanización de la atención del parto. ; Este artigo investiga a construção do conhecimento e da prática médica em ginecologia e obstetrícia. Especificamente, concentra-se nas transformações dos significados sociais e médicos no corpo gestante ocorridas desde o final do século XIX e durante o século XX, e que possibilitam o processo de medicalização, patologização e hospitalização do parto. Da mesma forma, são explorados os efeitos que o modelo médico tecnocrático de atenção ao binômio gravidez / parto tem em termos da experiência desses processos em mulheres; concluindo sobre a necessidade de aprofundar os elementos do paradigma médico, a formação dos profissionais de saúde e as condições de trabalho no setor da saúde que intervêm no problema da desumanização da assistência.

The article analyses creative society political communication in Lithuania. Creative society (as a separate society type) is grounded by the increasing (and starting to dominate since 2000) amount of creative class in contemporary society, and by recent phenomenon of creative industries. Contemporary scientific research is mainly limited by creative society features, creative society economics and creative industries; however, there is lack of creative society analysis by public policy instruments. The article aims to make a model of creative society policy and, having evaluated the Lithuanian practice according to it, to define directions of implementation of this policy. Firstly, attitudes of researchers towards creative society were generalized, presenting its features, and the importance, alternatives, and possible directions of such policy. Secondly, having performed simulation and the case study (directions' determination and implementation of creative society policy in Lithuania), the model of creative society policy was made (this model demonstrates how creative society policy might be formed and implemented in other countries), and directions of implementation of this policy were defined. The article summarizes main results of author's prepared doctoral dissertation. Directions for further research can be analysis of directions of creative society policy, investigation of dream society (as a future type).

Important personality of the Romanian space, the Jew Nicolae Steinhardt that will discover the Christianity in prison and will be baptised in Jilava prison, will be not only an intellectual with ecumenical vocation, but also a writer that offers a rich testimony about the way how Communism from the Romanian space can not only ruin a life, but also make one to come closer to God and arrive to a deeper consciousness of the real values of life and spirituality that will therefore be connected to the cultural space, seen as an alternative and a form of survival in the Prison life. Both the experience that he had as an imprisoned for political reasons, like the one after his release will be emphasized in his discontinuous journal and therefore aspects like political theology will come as outcomes of his experiences or as forms of presenting the conclusions of his lectures.
Contribution: Based on The diary of happiness, the most important and the most translated work of Nicolae Steinhardt (translated in 20 languages), that constitutes also an important part of the samizdat literature from Romania during the Communist period, the present research emphasizes the way how Steinhardt's spiritual autobiography comes in contact with the political theology, bringing into attention the pillars of his conception.

The study of populism is actualized by the presence of a social order from interested political actors who use populism to implement their programs and in the struggle for power, focusing on the possibilities of change and reform. The relevance of the study is obvious given the lack of comprehensive study of populism in Ukraine, proper political evaluation of previous studies, rethinking some theses of individual researchers, and especially in connection with its actualization as one of the popular principles in action, behavior in modern political practice and our state. Today in Ukraine, the intensification and emergence of new manifestations of populism have become a sign of a general long-term failure on the path of technological modernization, in efforts to achieve rapid economic growth and in the fight against corruption. The tendency to the increasingly negative attitude of many citizens to complex and compromise procedures of democratic institutions, the desire for quick and simple solutions, intolerance of different views contain a double threat - to roll into anarchy or establish an authoritarian regime. In Ukrainian literature interest in populism appeared in the late 1990s. The initial study was the basis of his reception of analytical findings Western scholars. Today domestic historiography populism presented a number of papers in the form of articles. Amid the general characteristics of the phenomenon of populism, based primarily on the legacy of Western political scientists, highlights particular issues such as manifestations of populism in the Ukrainian national movement, modern Ukrainian politics populist methods of political struggle, philosophical discourse of the concept. Thus, populism can be considered an inevitable companion of political freedom and democracy. In some places, it is a force that promotes political participation and reform in the interests of many low-status social groups. By inclining to oppose the rights of the majority to the interests and rights of certain minorities, populism can be a threat to the rule of law and basic political and civil liberties. Wherever populist leaders gained power, it became authoritarian, accompanied by abuses and oppression (but not destruction) of the opposition. ; У статті акцентовано увагу на популізмі як наявність соціального замовлення зацікавлених політичних акторів, які використовують популізм для реалізації своїх програм та у боротьбі за владу, зосереджуючись на можливостях змін та реформ. Актуальність дослідження очевидна з огляду на відсутність всебічного вивчення популізму в Україні, належної політичної оцінки попередніх досліджень, переосмислення деяких тез окремих дослідників, і особливо у зв'язку з його актуалізацією як одного з популярних принципів дії, поведінки в сучасна політична практика та наша держава. Сьогодні в Україні активізація та поява нових проявів популізму стали ознакою загального довгострокового провалу на шляху технологічної модернізації, в зусиллях для швидкого економічного зростання та в боротьбі з корупцією. Тенденція до дедалі негативнішого ставлення багатьох громадян до складних і компромісних процедур демократичних інституцій, прагнення до швидких і простих рішень, нетерпимість до різних поглядів містять подвійну загрозу - впасти в анархію або встановити авторитарний режим. В українській літературі інтерес до популізму з'явився наприкінці 90-х. Сьогодні вітчизняний історіографічний популізм представив низку статей у формі статей. Серед загальних характеристик явища популізму, що базується насамперед на спадщині західних політологів, висвітлюються такі проблеми, як прояви популізму в українському національному русі, сучасна українська політика, популістські методи політичної боротьби, філософський дискурс концепції. Таким чином популізм можна вважати неминучим супутником політичної свободи та демократії. Подекуди це сила, яка сприяє політичній участі та реформам в інтересах багатьох соціальних груп із низьким статусом. Схиляючись протистояти правам більшості інтересам та правам певних меншин, популізм може становити загрозу верховенству права та основним політичним та громадянським свободам. Скрізь, де популістські лідери здобували владу, вона ставала авторитарною, що супроводжувалось зловживаннями та утиском (але не знищенням) опозиції.