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While 'evil' has long played a role in American civil-religious political discourse, there is a unique quality in the Bush administration's framing of both its foreign and domestic policy in terms of a struggle between good and evil. This article examines the political and religious foundations underlying this framing. Three arguments shape the discussion. First, the Bush administration, following a political strategy influenced by neoconservatives and the religious right, has attempted to revive culture-war nationalism to define and defend American values. Second, when this strategy is coupled with an economic policy of free market capitalism, as is the case in the 2002 National Security Strategy, a paradox emerges between the conservative values of culture-war nationalism and the values associated with global capitalism. And, third, the Bush administration has at times been able to exploit the unease caused by this paradox to garner domestic political support. Such a strategy draws links between the domestic culture war and the global war on terror, revealing the influence of a political alliance between neoconservatives and the religious right in shaping the Bush administration's understanding of evil in the twentyfirst century.

This article discusses the European Constitutional Convention and its 'parliamentarian' character, based on the author's experience of participating in the process. It examines openness and democracy at the Convention, and the opportunities for stateless nations. It also examines the 'European Free Alliance' (EFA) approach to the Convention, namely, self-determination as a principle; support for the constitution but not a superstate; relations of Commission and Council; and subsidiarity and the 'Regions'. Ten particular EFA points are discussed: 'region' or 'nation'; reforming parliamentary representation – 'digressive proportionality'; the Committee of the Regions – reform or abolish; rights to pre-legislative consultation; regional ministers in Council; access to the Court of Justice; subsidiarity criteria and mechanisms; connecting to COSAC; language rights; and territorial cohesion. How satisfactory is the Convention's Draft Constitution from the point of view of stateless nations?

This article explores the process of identity constructions in Central and Eastern Europe through democracy promotion in NATO-PA. Utilizing social group theory and social identity theory, the article is concerned with the processes of socialization and social learning taking place at the agent level, which seem to explain how in-groups and outgroups are formed, and whyagents want to belong to the in-group. It is assumed that the complex process of new identity constructions as part of the effort of joining the dominant in-group cannot be explained purely by reference to the usual theory of the agent based on rationality, but that it has more to do with less tangible factors such as positive self-esteem and a desire to belong to a positively valued in-group.

Common sense about globalization protests is embodied in media representations, aided by public intellectuals, and imported into the classroom. Survey research demonstrates that the template of representations is partially accurate and partly misleading. The protesters' perspectives show considerable complexity, and indicate a selective rejection of neoliberal policies and core institutions but not an overall 'antiglobalization' stance. Even if not totally coherent, these bundles are not just random collections of beliefs, attitudes, goals, and strategies. They raise doubts about authoritative imagery and pose questions about transformative possibilities. It is well to recall that for Gramsci, critical thinking should not merely oppose but become part of people's understanding of their own conditions, bringing about a new common sense.

Using the writings of the assassinated South African political philosopher Rick Turner, this article provides a critique of South Africa ten years after the end of apartheid. Influenced by both Western Marxism and utopian thinking, Turner developed a model of democratic socialism which offered a vision of a 'new South Africa'. This was countered by the ideology of the market and, later, by the force of the 'end of history' thesis. The article argues that inequalities continue in South Africa because the promise of Western Marxism was squeezed out by the convergence of communist political ideology and capitalist modernization.

This article first outlines political, economic and cultural changes that underlie the prevailing conception of college and university students as consumers of educational services. It describes several implications of this conception for classroom teaching, particularly for the practices of critical pedagogues. It argues that while the consumerist orientations of students help to anchor the model of student as consumer, the model itself also provides students with a basis for critiquing the services that they receive from educational institutions. It then raises the question of how this model of student can be disrupted. Drawing from the author's own teaching experiences, it describes ways that faculty members can encourage critical reflection among their students about their consumerist orientations and awaken and nourish their sense of political entitlement based on their membership in an intellectual community.