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The article is devoted to the analysis of modern Russian historiography of slavery in the Caucasus. The author comes to the conclusion that despite a heightened attention to local and individual cases, the works describing Caucasian slavery in general are rather few, and they have appeared relatively. Therefore, there is no unified comprehensive picture of slavery in the Caucasus, and even evaluation of its cruelty can differ dramatically. The first part of the article introduces terminological definition of Caucasian slavery and clarifies the context in which it should be studied. It shows that researchers usually don't define the very concept of "slavery", which leads to serious distortions: sometimes only one of the types of Caucasian slavery is termed "slavery", whereas others are ignored; sometimes various forms of dependence are blended under one definition of "slavery", etc. The author suggests that the term should be defined in the researches to avoid serious distortions of terminological and conceptual nature. As a context for the study of slavery, the author proposes using the history of the Black Sea slave trade locus. Russian influence in the region became predominant in the 19th century, and the main forms of Caucasian slavery were shaped under social conditions completely atypical of Russia. The very approach to slavery characteristic of the Caucasus was based on Mediterranean Islamic practices and cannot be properly understood outside of them. Finally, only in consideration of the relative mildness of certain forms of Mediterranean slavery can some Caucasian customs, such as selling one's children into slavery, be understood.

This study exhibits a departure from the existing "traditional" collaborative research agenda which emphasises rationalisation and efficiency by looking at the dynamics of collaborative governance hinged on shared governance, public accountability and stakeholders' interests. Participants were drawn from different groups and sub-groups in communities where PPP infrastructural projects are located using both probabilistic and non-probabilistic techniques. Data were gathered and analysed through a blend of qualitative and quantitative methods. Based on the analysis, there were theoretical propositions that emerged from this study: (1) Community engagement is sacrosanct to the survival of any project located within the territorial space of the local community (2.) There was no evidence to suggest that the conventional public participation mechanisms had any positive impact on community groups' suspicions and lack of trust in the handlers of a project. Hence, the study found a parasitic relationship between the host communities, project owners and project handlers. The study, therefore, recommends that policymakers in developing countries should entrench an endearing stakeholders' policy that recognises and empowers the host communities for effective engagement in government's collaborative arrangements with the private sector for infrastructural development in line with what is obtainable in the developed nations. Keywords: Collaborative Governance, Community Stake-holding, Community Exclusion, Public-private Partnership (PPP)

The article revisits the negotiations on NORDEK, a Nordic Economic Area, held by Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden in 1968–1970. Finland, which initially took active part in the negotiations, later reversed its position under pressure from the Soviet Union as well as for other reasons. Four remaining Nordic countries refused to pursue a Nordic Economic Area without Finland for multiple reasons, of which one was solidarity with Finland. This article presents multiple game models, of which some reflect the actual outcome of the NORDEK negotiations, i. e., their failure, while others reflect hypothetical outcomes of the negotiations, such as emergence of a NORDEK of four without Finland. Those models allow concluding on the main factors causing Nordic solidarity, for which the NORDEK negotiations were a testing ground, and which had been the defining feature of regional politics in the European North during fifty years following the failure of the negotiations. First, domestic uncertainty about the issue debated by multiple nations contributes to greater solidarity among those nations. Second, majority's focus on their absolute gains during international negotiations contributes to greater solidarity among negotiating nations. Third, relative equality among negotiating nations does not have any influence on solidarity among them. The latter conclusion supports the theoretical assumption that that organic solidarity (solidarity among different) is as possible as is mechanical solidarity (solidarity of similar).

This second edition of The National Security Enterprise provides practitioners' insights into the operation, missions, and organizational cultures of the principal national security agencies and other significant institutions that shape the US national security decision-making process. Unlike some textbooks on American foreign policy, this book provides analysis from insiders who have worked at the National Security Council, the State Department, Department of Defense, the intelligence community, and the other critical entities included in the book. The book explains how organizational missions and cultures create the labyrinth in which a coherent national security policy must be fashioned. Understanding and appreciating these organizations and their cultures is essential for formulating and implementing coherent policies. This second edition includes four new chapters (Congress, DHS, Treasury, and USAID) and updates to the text throughout. It covers the many changes instituted by the Obama administration, implications of the government campaign to prosecute leaks, and lessons learned from more than a decade of war in Afghanistan and Iraq