Suchergebnisse

Research Framework: The aging of the
population, unprecedented in human history, is a complex reality of the 21st
century. This complexity is rooted not only in social and biological, but also in
quantitative phenomena. Population aging is in the strict sense a structural effect,
an increase in the proportion of the elderly in a given population, while the
increase in aged persons is an effect of flux, which quantifies the increase in the
number of seniors, those 65 years of age or older (Dumont, 2018a). Although its four
main causes (increased life expectancy, decreased number of births, migration,
demographic changes) are unanimously accepted by researchers; the manifestations,
consequences and responses to aging are far from homogeneous (Breton et Temporal,
2019; Blanchet, 2013; Dumont, 2006; Simard, 2010). Indeed, the consequences of aging
differ from one region to another, forcing us to understand population issues in
targeted and specific ways, socially, economically and geopolitically (Dumont,
2016a, 2018b; Saillant, 2016; Gucher, 2012; Hodge, 2008). All of society's
institutions are affected by the challenges of an aging population: policies,
employment, work, health, family, social security, regional management and
development, and even democratic functioning. These diverse issues influence both
seniors' quality of life (Rican et al., 2013) and collaborative and regional
governance.
Objectives: To identify the main issues and
challenges associated with population aging in improving the social inclusion and
quality of life of seniors. These issues and challenges relate to seniors' income,
accessibility of and proximity to local services, equipment and infrastructure,
elder care and workforce planning.
Methodology: This article draws on the
different contributions in this thematic issue and on the expertise of the three
authors. In addition, based on a literature review, we advocate a content analysis,
which will be combined with empirical data found mainly, but not exclusively, in
various Statistics Canada documents.
Results: Most of these issues and challenges
originate at the grassroots level, local or regional. However, their implementation
requires energetic top-down action, as local and regional leaders, despite their
good intentions, do not have all of the required tools and means to address
them.
Conclusions: A regional policy on aging must be
implemented that considers the local and regional characteristics of the environment
concerned and the needs expressed by seniors and their families. Thus, environments
must be created that are conducive to improving the quality of life and vitality of
both the elderly and those around them. In addition, cross-functional gerontological
actions must be initiated that involve partnering with both endogenous and exogenous
stakeholders, and that consider the regional diversity of aging. The objective is to
ensure that people remain active in society as they age – a prerequisite for
preserving their health.
Contribution: From an academic viewpoint, our
presentation, like that of other authors in this issue, is based on three closely
interrelated endogenous models. These are capacity building and empowerment of
stakeholders, collaborative governance, and progressive local development. Although
these different models are effective channels for stimulating local initiatives, and
in particular social innovations that bring about social change, they do not address
the multiple challenges associated with active and healthy aging, which require
cross-functional interventions rolled out at the regional level.

The Swiss Election Study (Selects) 2019 consists of four complementary components: The Post-Election Survey (PES), the Panel Survey, the Candidate Survey, and the (Social) Media Analysis. The main difference compared to previous studies relates to the mode of data collection; the main emphasis was moved towards web questionnaires. The mode for the Post-Election Survey 2019 was web/paper whereas in 2015, it was web/telephone. As in previous election studies, novel thematic modules of particular salience to researchers were included in the different surveys, while keeping the necessary continuity in the core questionnaire of the Post-Election Survey for comparison with previous waves.

Post-Election Survey (PES):
The Post-Election Survey consists of 6664 respondents. The survey was conducted in a sequential mixed mode with web offered as the first option: 82% responded in this way, while 18% responded by returning the paper questionnaire that was sent out later to those not having completed the web questionnaire. The sampling was based on a representative sample of around 2'600 Swiss citizens with an oversampling of small cantons to have at least 50 respondents in every canton. An additional oversampling was done in the cantons of Zurich, Geneva, and Ticino thanks to additional funding from these cantons.

Panel Survey:
The Panel Survey studies the evolution of opinion and vote intention/choice during the different phases of the election cycle. In 2019, three waves were conducted: the first before the main campaign period (Mai/June), the second during the election campaign (September/October), and the third after the elections (October-December). 7939 individuals responded to the first wave, 5577 to the second wave, and 5125 to the third wave. 4654 individuals responded to all three waves. This three-wave panel will be continued with annual follow-up waves until the 2023 elections. At the end of wave 3, 3'030 respondents gave consent to be contacted for the yearly waves. Wave 4 took place between September 28 - November 2nd, 2020 with 2'499 respondents.

Candidate Survey:
The Candidate Survey was carried out among all candidates for the National Council and the Council of States in the framework of the international Comparative Candidate Survey (CCS) project, based on the Round III questionnaire. The survey collects data on the biography, campaign activities, and policy position of the candidates. Among others, the information gathered makes possible the study of underlying factors of candidates' electoral success, as well as of issues of representation and linkage between voters and elites. In 2019, 2158 out of 4736 candidates participated in the Candidate Survey. This survey was conducted by Politools.net on behalf of Selects.

(Social) Media Analysis:
On behalf of Selects, the Digital Democracy Lab of the University of Zurich conducted a Media Analysis. The Media Analysis is a supplement to the Panel Survey and makes it possible to analyse the election campaign in the media and its influence on the formation of voters' opinions. In addition to the content analysis of the coverage of traditional media (print and online), which has been carried out in the context of Selects since 2003, the Media Analysis 2019 also includes, for the first time, the election campaign communication of parties and candidates on social media. For this Social Media Analysis, the Twitter accounts of 1284 candidates, parties and organizations were taken into account, as well as the Facebook pages of 261 candidates.

Relevance of the research topic. In the conditions of economic transformations the financial strategy acts as the important economic lever of influence of public administration bodies on social and economic development of the country. The assessment of the mechanism of financial regulation in Ukraine indicates the need to develop the components of the financial system in conjunction with the transformational economic processes and the development of a sound financial strategy in accordance with the goals and objectives of social development. Formulation of the problem. The importance of developing a financial strategy in the context of economic transformation is due to the need to take into account the impact of internal and external challenges in the financial and economic environment, economic fluctuations due to the spread of the coronavirus pandemic. At the same time, the choice of financial strategy tools should be made taking into account the level of economic development of the country. Analysis of recent research and publications. The issue of developing a financial strategy is quite common in research. These are the works of famous domestic and foreign scientists: J. Keynes, P. Samuelson, J. Stiglitz, W. Tanzi, S. Kucherenko, L. Lysyak, L. Levaeva, I. Lukyanenko, V. Makohon, M. Pasichny, I. Chugunov and others. Selection of unexplored parts of the general problem. The above issues are relevant in connection with the deepening of economic transformation, the adverse impact of the Crown virus pandemic on the financial sector, which requires a number of specific tasks related to the development of financial strategy. Problem statement, research goals. The objectives of the study are: to reveal the role of financial strategy in the regulation of socio-economic processes, to substantiate the peculiarities of the development of the components of the financial system. The purpose of the study is to reveal the directions of financial strategy in the context of economic transformation. Method or methodology of the study. The article uses a set of research methods: a systematic approach, statistical analysis, structuring, analysis, synthesis, etc. Presentation of the main material (results of work). The role of financial strategy in the regulation of socio-economic processes is revealed, the peculiarities of formation and implementation of financial strategy are substantiated. The directions of financial strategy in the conditions of economic transformations are substantiated. Field of application of results. The results of the study can be used in the process of formation and implementation of financial policy of Ukraine, reforming the domestic financial system and its components. Conclusions in accordance with the article. The qualitative level of formation and implementation of financial strategy is determined by the system of financial institutions, the state of their development in a particular country aimed at ensuring economic growth and welfare of citizens. The functional purpose of financial strategy is the result of the evolution of the role and importance of state functions in socio-economic development. Depending on the dynamics of socio-economic processes, the tasks of the financial strategy and the tools for its implementation should be adjusted. The financial strategy in the conditions of economic transformations should be directed on formation of long-term potential of economic growth and increase of well-being of the population taking into account demographic tendencies and indicators of the macroeconomic forecast of social and economic development of the country.

The Swiss Election Study (Selects) 2019 consists of four complementary components: The Post-Election Survey (PES), the Panel Survey, the Candidate Survey, and the (Social) Media Analysis. The main difference compared to previous studies relates to the mode of data collection; the main emphasis was moved towards web questionnaires. The mode for the Post-Election Survey 2019 was web/paper whereas in 2015, it was web/telephone. As in previous election studies, novel thematic modules of particular salience to researchers were included in the different surveys, while keeping the necessary continuity in the core questionnaire of the Post-Election Survey for comparison with previous waves.

Post-Election Survey (PES):
The Post-Election Survey consists of 6664 respondents. The survey was conducted in a sequential mixed mode with web offered as the first option: 82% responded in this way, while 18% responded by returning the paper questionnaire that was sent out later to those not having completed the web questionnaire. The sampling was based on a representative sample of around 2'600 Swiss citizens with an oversampling of small cantons to have at least 50 respondents in every canton. An additional oversampling was done in the cantons of Zurich, Geneva, and Ticino thanks to additional funding from these cantons.

Panel Survey:
The Panel Survey studies the evolution of opinion and vote intention/choice during the different phases of the election cycle. In 2019, three waves were conducted: the first before the main campaign period (Mai/June), the second during the election campaign (September/October), and the third after the elections (October-December). 7939 individuals responded to the first wave, 5577 to the second wave, and 5125 to the third wave. 4654 individuals responded to all three waves. This three-wave panel will be continued with annual follow-up waves until the 2023 elections. At the end of wave 3, 3'030 respondents gave consent to be contacted for the yearly waves. Wave 4 took place between September 28 - November 2nd, 2020 with 2'499 respondents.

Candidate Survey:
The Candidate Survey was carried out among all candidates for the National Council and the Council of States in the framework of the international Comparative Candidate Survey (CCS) project, based on the Round III questionnaire. The survey collects data on the biography, campaign activities, and policy position of the candidates. Among others, the information gathered makes possible the study of underlying factors of candidates' electoral success, as well as of issues of representation and linkage between voters and elites. In 2019, 2158 out of 4736 candidates participated in the Candidate Survey. This survey was conducted by Politools.net on behalf of Selects.

(Social) Media Analysis:
On behalf of Selects, the Digital Democracy Lab of the University of Zurich conducted a Media Analysis. The Media Analysis is a supplement to the Panel Survey and makes it possible to analyse the election campaign in the media and its influence on the formation of voters' opinions. In addition to the content analysis of the coverage of traditional media (print and online), which has been carried out in the context of Selects since 2003, the Media Analysis 2019 also includes, for the first time, the election campaign communication of parties and candidates on social media. For this Social Media Analysis, the Twitter accounts of 1284 candidates, parties and organizations were taken into account, as well as the Facebook pages of 261 candidates.

The Swiss Election Study (Selects) 2019 consists of four complementary components: The Post-Election Survey (PES), the Panel Survey, the Candidate Survey, and the (Social) Media Analysis. The main difference compared to previous studies relates to the mode of data collection; the main emphasis was moved towards web questionnaires. The mode for the Post-Election Survey 2019 was web/paper whereas in 2015, it was web/telephone. As in previous election studies, novel thematic modules of particular salience to researchers were included in the different surveys, while keeping the necessary continuity in the core questionnaire of the Post-Election Survey for comparison with previous waves.

Post-Election Survey (PES):
The Post-Election Survey consists of 6664 respondents. The survey was conducted in a sequential mixed mode with web offered as the first option: 82% responded in this way, while 18% responded by returning the paper questionnaire that was sent out later to those not having completed the web questionnaire. The sampling was based on a representative sample of around 2'600 Swiss citizens with an oversampling of small cantons to have at least 50 respondents in every canton. An additional oversampling was done in the cantons of Zurich, Geneva, and Ticino thanks to additional funding from these cantons.

Panel Survey:
The Panel Survey studies the evolution of opinion and vote intention/choice during the different phases of the election cycle. In 2019, three waves were conducted: the first before the main campaign period (Mai/June), the second during the election campaign (September/October), and the third after the elections (October-December). 7939 individuals responded to the first wave, 5577 to the second wave, and 5125 to the third wave. 4654 individuals responded to all three waves. This three-wave panel will be continued with annual follow-up waves until the 2023 elections. At the end of wave 3, 3'030 respondents gave consent to be contacted for the yearly waves. Wave 4 took place between September 28 - November 2nd, 2020 with 2'499 respondents.

Candidate Survey:
The Candidate Survey was carried out among all candidates for the National Council and the Council of States in the framework of the international Comparative Candidate Survey (CCS) project, based on the Round III questionnaire. The survey collects data on the biography, campaign activities, and policy position of the candidates. Among others, the information gathered makes possible the study of underlying factors of candidates' electoral success, as well as of issues of representation and linkage between voters and elites. In 2019, 2158 out of 4736 candidates participated in the Candidate Survey. This survey was conducted by Politools.net on behalf of Selects.

(Social) Media Analysis:
On behalf of Selects, the Digital Democracy Lab of the University of Zurich conducted a Media Analysis. The Media Analysis is a supplement to the Panel Survey and makes it possible to analyse the election campaign in the media and its influence on the formation of voters' opinions. In addition to the content analysis of the coverage of traditional media (print and online), which has been carried out in the context of Selects since 2003, the Media Analysis 2019 also includes, for the first time, the election campaign communication of parties and candidates on social media. For this Social Media Analysis, the Twitter accounts of 1284 candidates, parties and organizations were taken into account, as well as the Facebook pages of 261 candidates.

Este artigo discute os direitos digitais durante a pandemia de covid-19. Propõe uma análise comparativa das medidas que afetaram os direitos digitais à liberdade de expressão, acesso e privacidade implementadas por governos e empresas privadas (fornecedores de serviço de internet e intermediários de internet) entre março e agosto de 2020 na Argentina, Brasil e México. Também estuda reações da sociedade civil e de organizações internacionais. A estrutura teórica baseia-se em disposições de direitos humanos sobre a formulação de políticas progressivas e regressivas. As questões centrais são: como os direitos digitais de liberdade de expressão, acesso e privacidade foram afetados por empresas e governos durante o período considerado nos três países estudados? Como as organizações da sociedade civil e as organizações internacionais se posicionam em relação a esses direitos digitais? É baseado em uma análise comparativa de como o governo, o setor privado e as partes interessadas da sociedade civil responderam aos desafios de governança de tecnologias da informação e comunicação criados pela pandemia, e como suas respostas de governança impactaram os direitos humanos nas áreas de liberdade de expressão, acesso e privacidade. Responder a estas questões é relevante para identificar e compreender o precedente que estas estratégias — desenvolvidas num contexto excepcional — podem abrir para o cenário pós-crise, que extrapola o âmbito deste artigo. As conclusões mostram que as políticas públicas adotadas durante a covid-19 variaram nos três países. No entanto, tanto medidas progressivas quanto regressivas podem ser identificadas nos três. As empresas desenvolveram estratégias regressivas, implementaram também algumas medidas progressivas, mas excepcionais; enquanto a sociedade civil e as organizações internacionais promoveram soluções progressivas e de longo prazo. ; This article discusses digital rights during covid-19 pandemic. It offers a comparative analysis of the measures that affected digital rights to freedom of expression, access and privacy implemented by governments and private companies (internet service providers and internet intermediaries) between March and August 2020 in Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. It also studies reactions from civil society and international organizations. The theoretical framework draws on human rights provisions about progressive and regressive policy making. The central questions are: how are digital rights of freedom of expression, access and privacy affected by companies and governments during the period under consideration in the three countries studied? How have civil society organizations and international organizations position themselves with regards to these digital rights? It is based on a comparative analysis of how government, private sector, and civil society stakeholders have responded to the information and communications technology governance challenges created by the pandemic, and how their governance responses have impacted human rights in the areas of freedom of expression, access, and privacy. Answering these questions is relevant to identify and understand the precedent that these strategies — developed in an exceptional context — could set for the post-crisis scenario, which exceeds the scope of this article. Conclusions show that public policies adopted during covid-19 varied in the three countries. However, in the three, both progressive and regressive measures can be identified. The companies developed regressive strategies, implemented some progressive but exceptional measures; while civil society and international organizations promoted progressive and long-term solutions.

The research, made up of an experiment and a survey, was guided by the theory of social representations advanced by Serge Moscovici. The experimental treatment had no effect on any of the factors under study as islamization of terrorism remains a highly salient problematic for all cultural groups, impacting greatly on their perceptions about terrorism, perceived level of risk for terrorism, and preference for counterterrorism measures. The survey showed that both Muslim and Christian participants were devoted to religion although Muslims in Garissa were more actively involved in religious activities than Christians at the same institution. Conversely, Christians in MMUST were more committed to religion than Muslims at this university. Christian participants were more likely than Muslim respondents to perceive terrorism as perpetrated by Muslims, and Christians as the targets of terror attacks. Christians were more likely than Muslims to prefer more drastic counterterrorism measures. The Christians at MMUST were more likely to prefer more drastic counterterrorism measures than those at Garissa University. Garissa university respondents were more likely than MMUST participants to perceive terrorism as perpetrated by Muslims and Christians as the target. However, the Garissa Muslim respondents were less likely than their Christian counterparts to prefer drastic measures against terrorism. Certain correlations were detected between commitment to religion and preference for counterterrorism measures; religious commitment and self-esteem; perception about terrorism and preference for counterterrorism measures and self-esteem and preference for counterterrorism measures. The project highlights the importance of tackling Islamophobia, addressing the perceived reticence of Somali communities and the involvement of communities in security policy-formulation. ; La recherche, composée d'une expérience et d'une enquête de terrains, a été guidée par la théorie des représentations sociales développée par Serge Moscovici. Les participants chrétiens étaient plus susceptibles que les musulmans de percevoir le terrorisme comme perpétré par des musulmans et les chrétiens comme les cibles d'attaques terroristes. Les chrétiens étaient également plus susceptibles que les musulmans de préférer des mesures antiterroristes drastiques. Les chrétiens de MMUST étaient plus susceptibles de préférer des mesures antiterroristes drastiques par rapport aux Chrétiens de l'Université de Garissa. Les étudiants de l'université de Garissa étaient plus susceptibles que ceux de l'université Masinde Muliro de se percevoir comme les cibles d'un terrorisme perpétré par des musulmans. Cependant, les répondants musulmans de Garissa étaient moins susceptibles que leurs homologues chrétiens de préférer des mesures drastiques contre le terrorisme. L'enquête a révélé certaines corrélations entre les variables. Tout d'abord, il a été observé que plus l'engagement des participants envers la religion est fort, moins ils ont tendance à préférer des mesures antiterroristes drastiques. Par ailleurs, plus le dévouement des répondants à la religion est élevé, plus leur estime de soi est importante. Il a également été observé que plus la tendance des personnes interrogées à lier le terrorisme aux musulmans et à considérer les chrétiens comme ciblés était élevée, plus leur tendance à préférer des mesures antiterroristes drastiques l'étaient également. Le projet souligne l'importance de mettre en place des mesures de prévention et de réduction de l'islamophobie, et d'incitation à l'implication de la communauté musulmane dans la lutte contre le terrorisme, et à la prise en compte des réticences perçues envers les communautés somaliennes et l'implication des communautés dans la formulation des politiques de sécurité.

From its debut in 1965 to its climax in 1995 (the year that Jackson Richardson won World Player of the Year), Reunionese handball reached immense success in only 30 years. This dissertation retraces, from a microhistorical perspective, the process leading to this success in the dual context of Reunionese history and French handball. Drawing from a great variety of sources (handball journals, first-hand testimonies, archives, news articles), it aims at delineating the political, social, cultural and geopolitical parameters of this evolution. This evolution took place in two stages. The first stage was the seminal impulse of 1965-1980, when a few visionaries building on local specificities strove to organise a handball scene in La Réunion and embed the sport in Reunionese life, overcoming numerous obstacles in the process. The second stage (1980-1995) saw local actors strive to bring Reunionese handball up to high-level standards, in accordance with FFHB policy. This gave rise to a shift in representations, wherebybhandball was no longer limited to fun and entertainment, but increasingly perceived as vector of upward social mobility within an exacting and competitive framework. The history of Reunionese handball and its actors must be understood in the wider context of the many changes undergone by Reunionese society over the period, such as the increase in school enrolment, the beginnings of women's emancipation, intensified connections with the outer world, and an overall improvement in the region's image. It also demonstrates the impact of an oversea region on the organisation, massification and high-level achievements of French handball (to which it brought the specificities of its own multicultural model). Finally, it exemplifies the importance of collective values to reach success. ; De ses débuts institutionnels en 1965 à son apogée en 1995, symbolisée par le titre de meilleur joueur du monde obtenu par Jackson Richardson, le handball réunionnais se construit en trente ans une réussite exceptionnelle. Notre objet de recherche, inscrit dans le courant de la microhistoire, s'attache à expliquer le processus de cette réussite dans le double contexte de transformation de l'Île de la Réunion et du handball français. À partir d'une diversité de sources (périodiques handballistiques, témoignages d'acteurs, archives, coupures de presse) le but est de saisir les principes politiques, sociaux, culturels ou géopolitiques au cœur de cette évolution. Deux phases sont clairement identifiées. L'impulsion décisive de 1965 à 1980 quand des pionniers surmontent de nombreux obstacles. Ils parviennent à structurer cette activité pour l'ancrer dans le paysage local en développant sa propre identité. De la consécration à l'apogée (1980-1995), les acteurs réunionnais suivant la politique fédérale développent l'ambition d'atteindre le haut niveau. Se produit alors un changement de représentation de cette activité ludique et spectaculaire qui se mue en une possibilité d'ascension sociale dans le cadre d'une politique rigoureuse et compétitive. L'histoire du handball réunionnais et de ses acteurs s'inscrit dans la compréhension plus globale des transformations de la société réunionnaise, comme l'importance de la scolarisation, le début d'une émancipation féminine, l'ouverture vers l'extérieur et la revalorisation de son image. Elle montre aussi l'importance d'une région ultramarine dans la structuration, la massification et l'atteinte du haut-niveau par le handball français tout en lui apportant des spécificités enrichissant son modèle multiculturel. Enfin, elle rend compte de l'importance des valeurs collectives pour atteindre le succès.

The research, made up of an experiment and a survey, was guided by the theory of social representations advanced by Serge Moscovici. The experimental treatment had no effect on any of the factors under study as islamization of terrorism remains a highly salient problematic for all cultural groups, impacting greatly on their perceptions about terrorism, perceived level of risk for terrorism, and preference for counterterrorism measures. The survey showed that both Muslim and Christian participants were devoted to religion although Muslims in Garissa were more actively involved in religious activities than Christians at the same institution. Conversely, Christians in MMUST were more committed to religion than Muslims at this university. Christian participants were more likely than Muslim respondents to perceive terrorism as perpetrated by Muslims, and Christians as the targets of terror attacks. Christians were more likely than Muslims to prefer more drastic counterterrorism measures. The Christians at MMUST were more likely to prefer more drastic counterterrorism measures than those at Garissa University. Garissa university respondents were more likely than MMUST participants to perceive terrorism as perpetrated by Muslims and Christians as the target. However, the Garissa Muslim respondents were less likely than their Christian counterparts to prefer drastic measures against terrorism. Certain correlations were detected between commitment to religion and preference for counterterrorism measures; religious commitment and self-esteem; perception about terrorism and preference for counterterrorism measures and self-esteem and preference for counterterrorism measures. The project highlights the importance of tackling Islamophobia, addressing the perceived reticence of Somali communities and the involvement of communities in security policy-formulation. ; La recherche, composée d'une expérience et d'une enquête de terrains, a été guidée par la théorie des représentations sociales développée par Serge Moscovici. Les participants chrétiens étaient plus susceptibles que les musulmans de percevoir le terrorisme comme perpétré par des musulmans et les chrétiens comme les cibles d'attaques terroristes. Les chrétiens étaient également plus susceptibles que les musulmans de préférer des mesures antiterroristes drastiques. Les chrétiens de MMUST étaient plus susceptibles de préférer des mesures antiterroristes drastiques par rapport aux Chrétiens de l'Université de Garissa. Les étudiants de l'université de Garissa étaient plus susceptibles que ceux de l'université Masinde Muliro de se percevoir comme les cibles d'un terrorisme perpétré par des musulmans. Cependant, les répondants musulmans de Garissa étaient moins susceptibles que leurs homologues chrétiens de préférer des mesures drastiques contre le terrorisme. L'enquête a révélé certaines corrélations entre les variables. Tout d'abord, il a été observé que plus l'engagement des participants envers la religion est fort, moins ils ont tendance à préférer des mesures antiterroristes drastiques. Par ailleurs, plus le dévouement des répondants à la religion est élevé, plus leur estime de soi est importante. Il a également été observé que plus la tendance des personnes interrogées à lier le terrorisme aux musulmans et à considérer les chrétiens comme ciblés était élevée, plus leur tendance à préférer des mesures antiterroristes drastiques l'étaient également. Le projet souligne l'importance de mettre en place des mesures de prévention et de réduction de l'islamophobie, et d'incitation à l'implication de la communauté musulmane dans la lutte contre le terrorisme, et à la prise en compte des réticences perçues envers les communautés somaliennes et l'implication des communautés dans la formulation des politiques de sécurité.

The aim of this dissertation was to quantify the economic impact of connecting electricity systems in the presence of interacting, and sometimes competing, policy objectives. The GCC region was chosen because the countries are substantial energy consumers, due partly because of the government interventions in prices and quantities in the transformation and end-use sectors. This dissertation directly incorporated the role of on prices and quantity interventions in the study of energy system interconnectivity. The framework was extended to a regional energy system under autarky and cooperation to quantify the mismatch in gains among the member states with and without interventions.The mixed-complementarity problem (MCP) approach was utilized in this dissertation, which enabled price and quantity interventions of agents to appear as market clearing conditions in an equilibrium problem. The MCP formulated in this dissertation was designed specifically for a multi-sector energy system in one country, then extended to multiple interconnected countries. A recursive dynamic solution algorithm was employed to approximate lack of perfect foresight of agents in the model.The first set of results demonstrated the MCP formulation and its viability to studying price and quantity interventions in Saudi Arabia. A static analysis of the six GCC countries quantified the economic losses from heterogeneous intervention schemes in each country and how they impede electricity exchange. The multi-country, multi-period analysis (through 2030) examined how subsidy reform, electricity exchange, and carbon pricing policies interact. It was shown how sequencing subsidy reforms before implementing electricity exchange or carbon pricing is a prerequisite for producing a net economic gain. ; L'objectif de cette thèse est de quantifier l'impact économique de la connexion des systèmes électriques en présence d'objectifs politiques pluriels, et parfois concurrents. La région du CCG a été choisie car les pays qu'elle inclue sont d'importants consommateurs d'énergie du fait d'interventions gouvernementales sur les prix et les quantités, tant au niveau de la transformation que de l'utilisation finale. Cette thèse incorpore directement le rôle des interventions sur les prix et les quantités dans l'étude de l'interconnection du système énergétique. Le cadre d'analyse a été étendu à un système énergétique régional autarcique mais coopératif, afin de quantifier l'incidence des interventions sur les gains des Etats membres.La modélisation avec complémentarité mixte (MCP) utilisée dans cette thèse permet de faire apparaître les interventions sur les prix et quantités comme des conditions de compensation du marché à l'équilibre. L'approche MCP formulée dans cette thèse a été conçue spécifiquement pour un système énergétique multi-sectoriel dans un seul pays tout d'abord, puis étendue à plusieurs pays interconnectés ensuite. Un algorithme de résolution dynamique récursive a été utilisé pour appréhender le manque de prévoyance parfaite des agents.Une première analyse permet de valider la formulation MCP du problème pour étudier les interventions en matière de prix et de quantité en Arabie saoudite. Une seconde analyse, statique, sur les six pays du CCG quantifie les pertes économiques causées par les programmes d'intervention hétérogènes dans chaque pays et la manière dont ils entravent l'échange d'électricité. La troisième analyse, multi-pays et pluriannuelle (jusqu'en 2030), examine quant à elle comment la réforme des subventions, l'échange d'électricité et les politiques de tarification du carbone interagissent. Elle démontre que le séquençage des réformes, privilégiant la suppression des subventions avant la mise en oeuvre de l'échange d'électricité ou la tarification du carbone, est une condition préalable à l'obtention d'un gain économique net.

Nowadays, the digital transformation of the system of state and municipal government is gaining importance and relevance. Under these conditions, the image of a new, "digital official" is being formed, and appears on the Internet increasingly. Research interest in the problems of building a positive digital image of municipal employees in the modern Internet space is growing more and more. The article describes the results of a sociological survey of residents of the city of Yekaterinburg. The research methods included a questionnaire as well as an expert interview. The study revealed the factors influencing the build-up of a favourable image of municipal employees in the modern Internet space. The leaders were the "live" presence of the municipal employees themselves on the media Internet space, information openness, confidential communication between Internet users and municipal employees, open interaction, and active virtual participation of officials in the life of the city, as well as in solving the problems of citizens (including on social networks). It is also important to publish enticing, attractive content about the specific results of the professional activities of municipal employees. The paper formulates the problems arising in the formation of a favourable digital image of municipal employees in the modern Internet space and analyzes ways to solve them. They are: lack of information in the legal field, lack of a unified local government policy in this area, misunderstanding and fear on the part of employees. These challenges reduce the possibilities of the Internet as a tool for shaping the image not only of employees but also of the authority they represent. Skilful use of the Internet can create an atmosphere of respect and trust on the part of residents of the city of Yekaterinburg to the City Administration and municipal service, bring the level of dialogue between citizens and employees to a new level. ; В настоящее время цифровая трансформация системы государственного и муниципального управления приобретает большую значимость и актуальность. В этих условиях формируется образ нового, «цифрового», чиновника, который всё чаще появляется на просторах сети Интернет. Всё больше возрастает научно-исследовательский интерес к проблемам формирования позитивного цифрового имиджа муниципальных служащих в современном интернет-пространстве. В статье на основе проведенного методом анкетирования социологического опроса жителей города Екатеринбурга, а также экспертного интервью были выявлены факторы, влияющие на формирование позитивного имиджа муниципальных служащих в современном интернет-пространстве. Ведущими оказались: «живое» присутствие самих муниципальных служащих в медийном интернет-пространстве, информационная открытость, доверительная коммуникация между интернет-пользователями и муниципальными служащими, открытое взаимодействие и активное виртуальное со-участие чиновников в жизни города, а также в решении проблем горожан (в том числе в социальных сетях). Вдобавок стоит отметить важность публикации интересного, привлекательного контента о конкретных результатах профессиональной деятельности муниципальных служащих. Анализируются проблемы, возникающие в процессе формирования позитивного цифрового имиджа муниципальных служащих в современном интернет-пространстве: недостаточность информации в правовом поле, отсутствие единой политики органа местного самоуправления в данной сфере, непонимание и страх со стороны служащих. Все эти проблемы снижают возможности Интернета как инструмента формирования имиджа не только служащих, но и органа власти, который они представляют. Умелое использование Интернета может сформировать атмосферу уважения и доверия со стороны жителей города Екатеринбурга к Администрации города и муниципальной службе, вывести диалог между гражданами и служащими на новый уровень.

The Goths and Alans settled in the Mountainous Crimea about the mid-third century. The Eastern Roman Empire pursued the policy of integrating barbarians on the frontier in order to strengthen its northern borders. In the mountainous Crimea, the Goths and Alans assimilated Greek language in result of political and ideological interaction and trading with Cherson and other cities and towns of the Eastern Roman Empire. The earliest in this area Greek inscriptions were dipinti drawn on the light-clay narrow-neck amphorae of D. B. Shelov's type F, which were produced in Herakleia Pontike. According to the life of St. John of Gothia who led a revolt against Khazar domination in Gothia, the correspondence of Theodore of Stoudios with the archimandrite of Gothia, and official church documents, Greek was the only language of worship in the churches and monasteries of Gothia from the establishment of the Gothic bishopric on. The priests and monks contributed to the spread of Greek language among the Goths and Alans. From the eighth to thirteenth centuries, there appeared numerous epitaphs in church burials and in cemeteries located around these churches starting with a typical Byzantine phrase: Φῶς ζωή ("Light – life"), Κύριε, βοήθει. ("Lord, help."), Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς νηκᾷ ("Jesus Christ conquers"), Ἐκοιμήθη ("Deceased" or "passed away"), and so on. From the materials examined there are reasons to state that, by the ninth century, the Goths and Alans assimilated Greek language, which from the ninth to thirteenth centuries predominated in Gothia. There are several written sources documenting the preservation of Gothic and Alan languages in the first half of the thirteenth century. In the mid-sixteenth century, the Goths of the mountainous Crimea spoke mostly Greek. According to written sources, the functioning of Crimean Gothic dialect was restricted and started disappearing from the sixteenth century on. ; Готы и аланы поселились в Горном Крыму около середины III в. Восточная Римская империя для укрепления северной границы проводила политику интеграции приграничных варваров. В Горном Крыму готы и аланы в результате политического и идеологического взаимодействия, а также торговли с Херсоном и другими городами Восточной Римской империи освоили греческий язык. В регионе ранними надписями на греческом языке являются дипинти на изготовленных в Гераклее Понтийской в IV – начале V в. светлоглиняных узкогорлых амфорах типа F по классификации Д. Б. Шелова. Согласно текстам жития возглавлявшего антихазарское восстание св. Иоанна Готского, переписки Феодора Студита с архимандритом Готии и официальных церковных документов, с момента создания Готской епархии греческий язык был единственным языком богослужения в храмах и монастырях Готии. Клирики и монахи способствовали распространению греческого языка у готов и алан. В VIII–XIII вв. в захоронениях в храмах и устроенных рядом с ними некрополях повсеместно эпитафии начинались с одной из типичных для Византии формул: Φῶς ζωή («Свет – жизнь»), Κύριε, βοήθει… («Господи, помоги…»), Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς νηκᾷ («Иисус Христос побеждает»), Ἐκοιμήθη («упокоился, почил») и др. Рассмотренные материалы дают основание говорить о том, что к IX в. готы и аланы освоили греческий язык, который в IX–XIII вв. доминировал в Готии. В нескольких письменных источниках зафиксировано сохранение в первой половине XIII в. также готского и аланского языков. В середине XVI в. готы Горного Крыма говорили, в основном, на греческом языке. Письменные источники фиксируют ограниченные функции крымско-готского диалекта в XVI в. и начало его вымирания.

This article analyzes the dynamics of the armed conflict between the Colombian State and the Caribbean Bloc of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP) over the period of the Democratic Security policy (2002-2010). Through a comparative analysis of the three subregions where this guerrilla had a prominent presence on the Caribbean Coast —Montes de María, Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and Serranía del Perijá—, the actions of both sides were observed in order to investigate the reasons why the State had greater success in the Montemarian subregion as compared to the other two areas. The conclusion is that the geostrategic characteristics of Montes de María led the State to have more intensive military and comprehensive actions, which resulted in the early dismantling of the Farian structures that were operating there. In turn, the Fronts that were present in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta were moved to the Serranía del Perijá only at the end of the research period, maintaining the activity of the Bloc in this border area. ; El presente artículo analiza la dinámica del conflicto armado entre el Estado colombiano y el Bloque Caribe de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) en el periodo de la política de Seguridad Democrática (2002-2010). Mediante un análisis comparado de las tres subregiones en donde hacía presencia mayoritariamente esta guerrilla en la Costa Caribe —Montes de María, Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta y Serranía del Perijá—, se observan las acciones de ambas partes con el fin de indagar las razones por las cuales el Estado tuvo un mayor éxito en la subregión montemariana en relación con las otras dos zonas. Se concluye que las características geoestratégicas de Montes de María llevaron a que el Estado tuviera acciones militares e integrales más intensas, las cuales tuvieron como resultado la temprana desarticulación de las estructuras farianas que allí operaban. Por su parte, los frentes que hacían presencia en la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta fueron desplazados a la Serranía del Perijá tan solo al finalizar el periodo de estudio, manteniendo la actividad del bloque en esta zona fronteriza. ; Este artigo analisa a dinâmica do conflito armado entre o Estado colombiano e o Bloco Caribenho das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia - Exército Popular (FARC-EP) no período da Política de Segurança Democrática (2002-2010). Através de uma análise comparativa das três sub-regiões onde esta guerrilha esteve presente principalmente na costa do Caribe —Montes de Maria, Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta e Serranía del Perijá—, observam-se as ações de ambas as partes a fim de investigar as razões pelas quais o Estado teve maior sucesso na sub-região de Montes de Maria em relação às outras duas zonas. Conclui-se que as características geoestratégicas da região Montes de Maria levaram o Estado a ter ações militares mais intensas e integrais, o que resultou no desmantelamento precoce das estruturas das FARC que ali funcionavam. Por sua vez, as frentes que estavam presentes na Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta foram deslocadas para a Serranía del Perijá apenas no final do período de estudo, mantendo a atividade do bloco nesta zona fronteiriça.

This text collects some of the results of the investigation with which it hopes to generate inputs for the elaboration of a proposal of guidelines of public policy in the matter of habitat and rural settlements in Colombia, from the inclusion and the post-agreement. It presents a brief analysis of the recent history of territorial conflicts, the Peace Agreement with the FARC-EP and the ways in which rural settlements have been taking place in the country —and, in them, the so-called Ancient Spaces of Territorial Training and Reincorporation -AETCR-—. As a case study, we take the AETCR Antonio Nariño, in Icononzo-Tolima. These analyzes seek, on the one hand, to identify the new forms of operation, the effects and the impact that rural settlements have on public policies and, on the other, to propose their guidelines. ; Este texto recoge algunos resultados de la investigación con la cual espera generar insumos para la elaboración de una propuesta de lineamientos de política pública en materia de hábitat y asentamientos rurales en Colombia, a partir de la inclusión y el posacuerdo. En él se presenta un breve análisis sobre la historia reciente de los conflictos territoriales, el Acuerdo de paz con las FARC-EP y las formas en que se han venido produciendo los asentamientos rurales en el país —y, en ellos, los denominados Antiguos Espacios Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación -AETCR- —. A modo de estudio de caso, nos detenemos en el AETCR Antonio Nariño, en Icononzo-Tolima. Con estos análisis se busca, por un lado, identificar las nuevas formas de operación, los efectos y la incidencia que los asentamientos rurales tienen en las políticas públicas y, por el otro, proponer sus lineamientos. ; Ce texte recueille quelques résultats de l'enquête avec laquelle il espère générer des apports pour l'élaboration d'une proposition de lignes directrices de politique publique en matière d'habitat et d'établissements ruraux en Colombie, à partir de l'inclusion et du post-accord. Il présente une brève analyse de l'histoire récente des conflits territoriaux, de l'Accord de paix avec les FARC-EP et de la manière dont les établissements ruraux ont eu lieu dans le pays —et, en eux, les Anciens Espaces Territoriaux de Formation et de Réinsertion -AETCR-—. À titre d'étude de cas, nous nous arrêtons à l'AETCR Antonio Nariño, à Icononzo-Tolima. Ces analyses visent, d'une part, à identifier les nouvelles formes de fonctionnement, les effets et l'impact que les établissements ruraux ont sur les politiques publiques et, d'autre part, à proposer leurs orientations. ; Este texto coleta alguns resultados da investigação com a qual se espera gerar subsídios para a elaboração de uma proposta de diretrizes de política pública em matéria de habitat e assentamentos rurais na Colômbia, a partir da inclusão e do pós-acordo. Apresenta uma breve análise da história recente dos conflitos territoriais, do Acordo de Paz com as FARC-EP e das formas como os assentamentos rurais vêm ocorrendo no país —e, neles, os chamados Espaços Antigos de Treinamento Territorial e Reincorporação-AETCR-—. Como estudo de caso, paramos no AETCR Antonio Nariño, em Icononzo-Tolima. Essas análises buscam, por um lado, identificar as novas formas de atuação, os efeitos e os impactos que os assentamentos rurais têm nas políticas públicas e, por outro lado, propor suas diretrizes.

This doctoral thesis analyses the changes in income inequality in post-apartheid South Africa. The thesis adds to the existing literature by explaining the underlying causes of the changes in observed income inequality. As such, this thesis applies different decomposition methods to the Gini coefficient. In the analysis of household income sources, traditional static decompositions are supplemented by applying micro-simulations that allow for a dynamic decomposition of changes in income sources reported in household surveys. The results corroborate previous findings of the significant contribution of labour market incomes and governmen grants. However, the application of advanced dynamic methods highlights the effects of changes in other factors, such as investment income and the role of employed household members, which have previously received less attention. Further study of household survey data and a unique set of tax administration data enabled a decomposition of the Gini coefficient of taxable income to investigate the effect of high earners on income inequality and the accuracy of capturing them in household surveys. This analysis highlights a significant weighting issues of high earners in the latest wave of the household survey data. Therefore, when combining the two types of data sets, a significant decrease in overall inequality of taxable income can be found between 2011 and 2014. The results ascertain the vast differences between the top and the bottom of the income distribution and concrete policies addressing both sides of the issue need to be implemented in order to overcome persisting income inequality. Finally, the strong effects of labour market incomes on overall income inequality warrant further investigation. Therefore, changes in earnings inequality are decomposed to assess the effect of changes in the labour market. The application of micro-simulations thereby allows to decompose the changes in earnings inequality into 'price effect' and 'endowment effect' but also to assess the effect of changes in labour market participation, employment, occupational structure and unobserved characteristics. The results show that key drivers of an increase in earnings inequality between 1993 and 2012 were changes in the endowments of working age individuals. This effect was partially counteracted by the price effect. The findings show persisting discrepancies between male and female employment in the labour market and the ongoing marginalization particularly of African women which highlights the need for a revision of existing affirmative action laws and their implementation. The National Development Plan offers several strategies for more inclusive growth for South Africa, however, government is already falling behind with its implementation. Therefore, policy makers need to re-examine the efficiency of current social spending and labour laws in order to set the right growth path for the South African economy. The methods utilized throughout this thesis harmonise different sources of information and enable an integrated analysis of the dynamics of the South African income distribution. The static and dynamic decompositions make use of the 1993 household survey of the Project for Statistics on Living Standards and Development (PSLSD) and the 2008 and 2014 National Income Dynamics Study (NIDS). The assessment of high earners is performed by comparing tax administration data provided by the South African Revenue Service (SARS) for the 2010 and 2014 tax years with household survey data from NIDS in 2011 and 2014. Finally, the decomposition of earnings inequality is carried out using data sets from the Post-Apartheid Labour Market Series (PALMS) between 1993 and 2012.