Suchergebnisse

Canadian foreign policy should be refined to focus more closely on the EU as a partner in transatlantic relations. Admittedly this entails an emphasis on an international organization whose future is unknowable, an organization that by its very nature excludes Canada & that appears to have many weak attributes such as have been enumerated by Robert Kagan in his "Power and Weakness." The primary quandary for Canada's transatlantic foreign policy derives from multilateralism. Present-day Canada-Europe relations are largely shaped by what is occurring in Europe. The broader implications of these diverse European developments are examined vis-a-vis European countries' increasing inclination toward caucusing & its effects on how Canada & Europe understand multilateralism. The conclusion addresses the implications of this argument & offers some proposals for Canadian foreign policy. K. Coddon

Summary
This article analyses the role of the European External Action Service (EEAS) in EU foreign policy communications. Having cumulated a number of pre-existing functions, the EEAS is situated at the centre of the existing communication systems used in the European Union in relation to matters of foreign policy. Moreover, the EEAS is contributing to the expansion of the existing practice of foreign policy communications in three ways. First, it has affected the direction of communication flows in the most well-established (but now declining) communication system — the COREU/CORTESY network — as a growing proportion of messages now originate in Brussels. Second, the EEAS is developing an autonomous EU capacity for information gathering, as EU delegations regularly draft political reports. Third, the EEAS has contributed to the expansion of information sharing in consular affairs, which is an area of mixed and contested competences. The EEAS is thus a key actor in EU foreign policy communications, although practices are forever shifting and its role is still under construction.

Assesses the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) joint actions in the spirit of the Treaty on European Union (TEU); focuses on common interests in agenda setting, crisis management and operations, and financing actions in international crises; since 1993, chiefly.

AbstractThe European Union (EU), with 27 member states, has been a significant promoter of evaluation in Europe. More than a decade of reform and modernization of EU institutions underpins the expansion of evaluation and has shaped evaluation policies. Links between evaluation uptake and policy on the one hand and public management and institutional reform on the other are highlighted. However, it is argued that the emergence of new policy instruments, new substantive policy goals, and institutional dynamics underpinned by competing narratives of the European "project," help explain how evaluation policy has evolved. The chapter considers how EU evaluation impinges on EU member states. © Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

In this article in the section on Multidimensional Security, the EU's search for its role as a global player is explored by the assessment of four possibilities to develop the European foreign security & defense policy (EFSP) without the enactment of the Constitutional Treaty (CT). The six possibilities for development delineated as opportunities are inclusive of institutional reorganization, interinstitutional agreements, legal acts by the Council, flexible cooperation between member states that could result in the election of President of the European Council & the establishment of a Foreign Affairs Council, the appointment of a Foreign Affairs Minster & the creation of an European External action Service, the development of the European Defense Agency, the reutilization of enhanced permanent structure cooperation. The "back door" reforms of the EFSP, although possible, are questioned in terms of a direction for the EU, & the author concludes that placing reforms firmly in the context of the European Security Strategy would be a good place to start . References. J. Harwell

Today it seems natural to ask many questions connected with the expression of Slovak foreign policy -- mainly conceptual questions but also institutional ones. Surprisingly, the current status of Slovakia as a full-fledged member of the European community, after 20 years of dynamic development, for some is not a sufficient enough reason to systematically return to the past and think about the beginnings of Slovak foreign policy, in order to reveal its motivations and the behavior of the politicians at the time. Adapted from the source document.

THIS ARTICLE EXPLAINS THAT A LEADING PRINCIPLE IN THE POLICIES OF ESTONIA HAS BEEN A CONTINUOUS AFFILIATION WITH EUROPEAN STRUCTURES, ESPECIALLY THE EU. NATO IS SEEN AS THE MOST EFFICIENT INTERNATIONAL MEANS OF PROVIDING FOR SECURITY AND DEFENDING THE PRINCIPLES OF DEMOCRACY. NATO'S ENLARGEMENT SHOULD BE CONSIDERED AS A NATURAL EVOLUTION WHICH WILL LEAD TO THE CREATION OF A STABLE NETWORK OF STATES ALONG THE WESTERN BORDER OF RUSSIA. CONCERNED ABOUT ITS OWN SECURITY, ESTONIA FINDS IT EXTREMELY IMPORTANT TO PARTICIPATE IN SPECIFIC MISSIONS AIMED AT PRODUCING SECURITY.