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The purpose of this study was to understand the lived-experience of driving cessation for older women. A qualitative, collective case study method was used. From in-depth interviews of former drivers, three categories of themes emerged: driving history, the process of stopping driving, and the experience of being a non-driver. Overall, the women had felt comfortable and skilled behind the wheel and they missed driving. Adaptation came easiest to those who planned ahead for driving cessation and made the decision voluntarily. Remaining independent and mobile were important considerations in the decision to stop driving. Many of the women regularly use formal transit services although riding with friends provides a social context. Family is not the preferred choice for transportation except in an emergency or for basic care. Social workers must acknowledge the importance women place on their independence when helping them work through issues of driving cessation.

Concerns about gender equality are disciplined in Constitution, and more and more national and international acts, laws and directives. Anyway, if we have a look at statistics, the literature review, a lot of studies and researches in different countries, women's career progression has not kept pace with that of men's. Even though women represent 44 % of the labor force in Albania they continue to lag behind male counterparts in reaching upper level positions. Women's career progression into executive-level positions continues to lag behind that of their male counterparts in both the private and public sectors (D'Agostino & Levine, 2009). If we have a quick look at high level of state government such as president, prime minister, ministers, etc. it is very hard to find a woman on top o these and other institutions. The same thing happens in private sector, for example the banking or in telecommunicating sectors, which are through the most important sectors of the economy of Albania, it is very hard to see a woman on their top (only 2 CEOs women in banking sector and no CEO woman in telecommunicating sector). Why does this happen? When women try to reach high levels of management and leadership positions, they face with the phenomenon of "Glass ceiling" which impedes them in reaching those positions. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n9p720

The gender-differentiated and more severe impacts of armed conflict upon women and girls are well recognised by the international community, as demonstrated by UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace and Security and subsequent resolutions. Similarly, the development community has identified gender-differentiated impacts upon women and girls as a result of the effects of climate change. Current research and analysis has reached no consensus as to any causal relationship between climate change and armed conflict, but certain studies suggest an indirect linkage between climate change effects such as food insecurity and armed conflict. Little research has been conducted on the possible compounding effects that armed conflict and climate change might have on at-risk population groups such as women and girls. Armed Conflict, Women and Climate Change explores the intersection of these three areas and allows the reader to better understand how military organisations across the world need to be sensitive to these relationships to be most effective in civilian-centric operations in situations of humanitarian relief, peacekeeping and even armed conflict. This book examines strategy and military doctrine from NATO, the UK, US and Australia, and explores key issues such as displacement, food and energy insecurity, and male out-migration as well as current efforts to incorporate gender considerations in military activities and operations. This innovative book will be of great interest to students and scholars of international relations, international development, international security, sustainability, gender studies and law.

For the first time in American history, the majority of the voters in the presidential election of 1944 will be women. That party managers have realized this fact has been evidenced by their special appeals to the feminine vote in campaign literature, public statements, and management techniques. Furthermore, in a growing number of cases, women have been entrusted with responsible functions in party organization which up to now have been reserved for men. To cite but one example in national party structure, there is the appointment for the first time of a woman to serve as secretary of the Democratic national committee.The unusual political responsibilities and opportunities which war conditions have made available to women bring up the question of the progress they have been able to achieve in national party organization during the years since the adoption of the suffrage amendment in 1920. In 1933, an analysis of the formal status of women in the national party organizations was made by Miss Sophonisba Breckinridge, and included in her volume, Women in the Twentieth Century, published as one of a series of monographs on "Recent Social Trends in the United States," under the direction of President Hoover's Research Committee on Social Trends. As a formal measure of women's status in national party organization, Miss Breckinridge examined their participation in the national conventions and their position on the national committees of both parties from 1892, when they were first represented in a convention, through 1932.The present study carries Miss Breckinridge's investigation through the 1936, 1940, and 1944 nominating conventions. The data used in both studies were obtained from the official convention records and from replies of national committeewomen to questionnaires.

In Britain during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the contrast between 'public' and 'private' worlds drew not on one, but on multiple, contrasts. However, recognising such variations does not necessarily provide us with new analytical tools. This article examines some of the ways in which twentieth‐century commentators have attempted to categorise these contrasts. In particular the article critically engages with Habermas's definition of the public sphere and suggests the advantages and disadvantages of using his notion through a discussion of the relationship of the British women's suffrage movement to the debate over citizenship in the 1860s.