Suchergebnisse

Whether the increased risk for coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) hospitalization and death observed in Down syndrome (DS) are disease specific or also occur in individuals with DS and non-COVID-19 pneumonias is unknown. This retrospective cohort study compared COVID-19 cases in persons with DS hospitalized in Spain reported to the Trisomy 21 Research Society COVID-19 survey (n = 86) with admissions for non-COVID-19 pneumonias from a retrospective clinical database of the Spanish Ministry of Health (n = 2832 patients). In-hospital mortality rates were significantly higher for COVID-19 patients (26.7% vs. 9.4%), especially among individuals over 40 and patients with obesity, dementia, and/or epilepsy. The mean length of stay of deceased patients with COVID-19 was significantly shorter than in those with non-COVID-19 pneumonias. The rate of admission to an ICU in patients with DS and COVID-19 (4.3%) was significantly lower than that reported for the general population with COVID-19. Our findings confirm that acute SARS-CoV-2 infection leads to higher mortality than non-COVID-19 pneumonias in individuals with DS, especially among adults over 40 and those with specific comorbidities. However, differences in access to respiratory support might also account for some of the heightened mortality of individuals with DS with COVID-19. ; The lab of M.D. is supported by the Departament d'Universitats, Recerca i Societat de la Informació de la Generalitat de Catalunya (Grups consolidats 2017 SGR 926, 2017 SGR 138). We also acknowledge the support of the Agencia Estatal de Investigación (PID2019-110755RB-I00/AEI/10.13039/501100011033), the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 848077, Jerôme Lejeune Foundation (No 2002), NIH (Grant Number: 1R01EB 028159-01), Marató TV3 (#2016/20-30), JPND Heroes project. CRG acknowledges the support of the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation to the EMBL partnership, the Centro de Excelencia Severo Ochoa, and the CERCA Programme/Generalitat de Catalunya. The CIBER of Rare Diseases (CIBERER) and CIBER of Physiopathology of Obesity and Nutrition (CIBEROBN) are initiatives of the ISCIII. D.R.A. is partially supported by the Fondo de Investigaciones Sanitarias (FIS grant PI19/00634, European Fund for Regional Development—EFRD) and the Foundation Jérôme Lejeune (grant no. 1777-2018). The Research Programme on Biomedical Informatics (GRIB) is a member of the Spanish National Bioinformatics Institute (INB), funded by ISCIII and EDER (PT17/0009/0014). The DCEXS is a 'Unidad de Excelencia María de Maeztu', funded by the AEI (CEX2018-000782-M). The GRIB is also supported by the Agencia de Gestio d'Ajuts Universitaris i de Recerca (AGAUR), Generalitat de Catalunya (2017 SGR 00519). AH was supported by the HERCULES Center (NIEHS P30ES019776) and by the LuMind IDSC Foundation.

The study investigated the cost-effectiveness of caesarean section (CS) as the major component of Emergency Obstetric Care (EMOC) in a humanitarian context. Research was conducted from December 2007 until June 2008 in Bunia, in the north-east of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Methods A case-control study explored the factors determining whether a woman had a CS or a vaginal delivery. Cases (n=178) were randomly selected from women who had delivered by CS. Controls (n=180) were women who had delivered vaginally within two weeks of a case and were matched by place of residency. Face-to face interviews in the local language used a structured questionnaire about obstetric and socio-economic factors. Obstetric care was assessed during repeat visits to health structures using checklists. Provider cost of CS was calculated for four hospitals, of which one provided free emergency healthcare. Information about cost allocation to CS was collected from hospital managers, maternity staff, and administrators. Costs were verified with local entrepreneurs, international organisations and UN agencies. The social cost of maternal death was discussed in focus groups, which also obtained user cost information additional to the data from the case-control study. Results CS constituted 9.7% of expected deliveries in the Bunia Health Zone. During the study period, the humanitarian hospital performed 75% of all CS. There were no elective CSs in the study sample. The study found no evidence of obstetric surgery for non-medical reasons. Previous CS and prolonged labour during this delivery were the strongest predictive factors for CS. The risk increased with age of the mother and decreased with the number of children alive. Fifteen obstetric deaths were reported to the research team, three among them were women who had a CS. After adjusting the observed number for missed pregnancy-related and late post-partum deaths, the estimated number of maternal deaths avoided by humanitarian EMOC, compared to expected mortality without additional services, ranged from 20 to 228. Compared to recent estimates for the DRC, perinatal deaths avoided ranged from 237 to 453. Cost-effectiveness was expressed as cost per year of healthy life expectancy (HALE) gained. The estimated cost of adding one year of HALE by providing CSs in a humanitarian context ranged from 3.77 USD to 9.17 USD. Comparison of the cost of EMOC and the social cost of maternal death was complicated by the existence of local customs such as "sororate". The user capacity to pay for health insurance was found to be low. Conclusion Caesarean sections as part of humanitarian assistance were cost-effective. To keep EMOC accessible during and following the transition from emergency relief to development, a change in the national financing policy for health services is advisable.

A partir de retomar discusiones sobre las identidades mapuche urbanas que se volvieron agenda pública en el segundo semestre del año 2017 en Argentina, este artículo explora el lugar de la emoción en relatos autobiográficos de jóvenes mapuche de la ciudad de San Carlos de Bariloche, registrados en la primera década del siglo XXI. Se trata de relatos que dan cuenta de los diversos modos en que producían sentido sobre sí mismos a principios de siglo. Asimismo, permiten un acercamiento al lugar que la emoción ocupaba para conjugar experiencia e identidad étnica y etaria. Finalmente, iluminan los procesos políticos en los que estos jóvenes participaron en las últimas dos décadas del siglo XX. El foco está especialmente puesto en el lugar que la emoción ocupa para explicar los procesos de identificación mapuche en un contexto atravesado por prácticas de violencia simbólica vigentes desde que la región fuera incorporada al estado nacional a fines del siglo XIX. El punto de partida teórico sostiene que las emociones median entre lo individual y lo colectivo, por lo que configuran sensibilidades que organizan experiencias sociales colectivas en el relato biográfico. ; Following up on debates on urban Mapuche identity that became part of the public agenda in spring 2017 in Argentina, this essay explores the place of emotion in autobiographical narratives of young Mapuche from the city of San Carlos de Bariloche, recorded in the first decade of the twenty first century. These narratives provide a venue to the different ways in which these youngsters made sense of themselves at the beginning of the century. They also constitute a means to approach the place of emotion in understanding experience and ethnic and age based identities. Finally, they bring to light the political processes in which these youngsters took part in the last two decades of the twentieth century. The essay focuses, especially, on the place in which emotion is located in order to explain processes of Mapuche identification within a context of symbolic violence developed throughout the incorporation of the region to the national state at the end of the nineteenth century. The theoretical framework is based on the notion of emotion as a mediator between the individual and the collective, therefore it gives form to sensitivities that organize collective social experiences within biographical narrative. ; Fil: Kropff Causa, Laura. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Patagonia Norte. Instituto de Investigaciones en Diversidad Cultural y Procesos de Cambio. Universidad Nacional de Río Negro. Instituto de Investigaciones en Diversidad Cultural y Procesos de Cambio; Argentina

Desde 2008 se registra un cambio de clima político. ¿Es posible reinventar la democracia o estamos abocados a la post-democracia? El nacional populismo revela una crisis de confianza ante el futuro, la fuerza de un presentismo dramático: el aquí y ahora, el nosotros primero, donde se abre paso la posverdad, capaz hoy de fabricar no ya un mito, una mentira, una ficción, sino una nueva voluntad general al margen del contrato social. La consolidación de hiperlíderes con enorme dificultad en la práctica para entender un poder condicionado, y que reducen la política al simple juego performativo y cortoplacista, puede acabar consagrando paradójicamente la soberanía del algoritmo como nueva fuente de autoridad y las dictaduras digitales. El desarrollo de la conciencia humana es fundamental para el renacimiento democrático, como ha hecho ver la crisis del COVID-19 apuntando la necesidad de democracias más conscientes y resilientes. La libertad es autolimitación consciente. También apertura compasiva al sufrimiento humano y social. El momento actual requiere líderes y gobiernos más reflexivos y virtuosos, capaces de conjugar la libertad de uno con la del otro próximo y lejano, donde entran también los derechos de las generaciones futuras. La juventud como tal deberá implicarse en la defensa de la democracia como lo está en la causa del planeta. ; Since 2008 we face a change in the political climate. Is it possible to reinvent democracy or are we bounded to face a new postdemocratic political turn? The national populism reveals a crisis of confidence in the future, the strenght of a dramatic presentism, the tyranny of here and now, where the us goes first, where infiltrates a postruth being able to manufacture not now a myth, a useful lie, a fiction, but a new general will apart from the social contract. The consolidation of hiperleaders with great difficulties to understand a type of limited power who reduce politics into a simple performative short-term game can paradoxically strengthen the sovereignty of the algorithm as a new source of authority in a sort of digital tyranny. The development of human consciousness is indispensable for a democratic revival as the crisis of the COVID-19 has shown us. We have to move towards self-aware and resilient forms of democracy. Freedom is an aware self-limitation. Also it is necessary a compassionate openness to forms of human and social suffering. The present moment is in need of leaderships and governments more reflexive and resilient, being able to combine the own's liberty with the other's liberty and with the liberty of those to come, with the future generations. The young generation must engage herself in the defense of democracy as already is in ecological issue.

"The Association of Public Health Laboratories (APHL) conducted its first assessment of state public health laboratories' (SPHL) all-hazards preparedness in 2007. Since then SPHLs have made incremental progress in building and maintaining new partnerships, hiring and training new personnel, conducting outreach to build statewide laboratory networks, providing training to other laboratories and partners, and implementing formal exercises and drills to assess gaps in planning, testing capability and capacity. However, in this era of budget deficits, increasing expectations and evolving threats, the ability of state public health laboratories to sustain core preparedness functions is in jeopardy. APHL conducted data collection for its second All-Hazards Laboratory Preparedness Survey in fall 2008 to document both the improvements that laboratories have made and the challenges that they face. Participants reported on laboratory capability and capacity for biological, chemical and radiological terrorism preparedness for a period of 12 months from August 31, 2007 to August 30, 2008, representing the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) Public Health Emergency Preparedness (PHEP) Cooperative Agreement Fiscal Year 2007 (FY 07), also known as Budget Period 8. The 2008 survey was sent to the 50 states, the District of Columbia (DC) and Puerto Rico. Fifty-one responses were received, representing all states and the District of Columbia for a response rate of 98%. Despite notable improvements, serious gaps in workforce and real-time electronic data messaging still remain. The area most impacted by funding cuts is workforce, the core of a laboratory's ability to respond. Many laboratories are being forced to combine positions, such as scientists and training coordinators, when both jobs are necessary for an effective response. Not only is the ability to respond to an event compromised with fewer staff, but so is the ability to take on mounting responsibilities, such as training partners and adding new detection methods. " - p. 5 ; Introduction -- The Laboratory Response Network Structure -- Background -- Methods -- Results -- -- Funding for Laboratory Preparedness Activities -- Biological terrorism laboratory preparedness funding -- Chemical threat laboratory preparedness funding -- Radiological laboratory preparedness funding -- Influenza laboratory funding -- Food safety laboratory coordination and funding support -- -- Workforce Sample Receipt and Analyses -- Planning, Partnerning, Exercising and Responding -- Conclusions ; "March 2009." ; Title from title caption (viewed on April 22, 2010). ; Mode of access: World Wide Web. ; System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Text in PDF format. ; This APHL Report was supported under Cooperative Agreement #U60/CCU303019 between the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Division of Bioterrorism Preparedness and Response, Laboratory Response Branch, and the National Center for Environmental Health and the Association of Public Health Laboratories.

En el marco de las discusiones generadas a partir de la emergencia de los denominados "estudios trasnacionales", un foco de debate se centra en el lugar que se le concede a los Estados-nación en los procesos sociales contemporáneos. Mientras que algunos autores plantean el arribo a una "era posnacionalista", otros/as destacan que las prácticas trasnacionales no implican la pérdida de centralidad del poder estatal y la retórica nacional en la configuración de los procesos sociales, sino que es necesario pensar los vínculos entre las personas y el Estado como múltiples y en un proceso de redefinición. Buscando complejizar este debate y centrándonos en el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, encontramos un área de vacancia significativa en torno a la aplicación situada de la estrategia denominada "diplomacia de doble vía" y a las interacciones y respuestas que producen en territorios específicos. Por este motivo, en este trabajo nos detenemos en el análisis de estos fenómenos a partir de tomar el caso de la política consular en la ciudad de La Plata en la República Argentina, atendiendo a un espacio de relaciones que no incluye únicamente a funcionarios públicos y que resulta central en la cristalización de prácticas e instituciones concretas en esta localidad. ; As part of the discussions generated by the emergence of "transnational studies", a focus of debate centers on the place that is given to Nation-states in contemporary social processes. While some authors consider that we are entering a "post-nationalist era", others point out that transnational practices do not involve the loss of the centrality of State power or of national rhetoric in shaping social processes, rather it is necessary to consider the links between the people and the State as multiple and undergoing a process of redefi nition. In an effort to enrich this debate and focusing on the Plurinational State of Bolivia, we fi nd a signifi cant area vacancy regarding the implementation of the strategy called "dual-track diplomacy" and the interactions and responses that emerge in specifi c territories. For this reason, in this paper we focus on the analysis of these phenomena by taking the case of consular policy in the city of La Plata in Argentina, examining a space of relationships that includes not only public offi cials and which is central to the crystallization of practices and specifi c institutions in this location. ; Fil: Rodrigo, Federico. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Parque Centenario. Centro de Investigaciones Sociales. Instituto de Desarrollo Económico y Social. Centro de Investigaciones Sociales; Argentina

Este artículo se propone analizar el universo de prácticas humanitarias en la expatriación catalana republicana en la segunda posguerra mundial haciendo foco en el papel jugado por el intercambio epistolar que se desarrolló entre Francia y la Argentina; y en el modo en que esa correspondencia entre víctimas, familiares, testigos y benefactores localizados a ambos lados del Atlántico permite dar cuenta del funcionamiento de redes de circulación transnacional de ayuda solidaria no exentas de tensiones políticas. El trabajo pretende complejizar el tradicional enfoque estado-nación céntrico de los estudios sobre el exilio republicano español desde el interés por la reconstrucción de los vínculos e interconexiones epistolares entre comunidades de la expatriación (refugiados, evacuados, emigrados, exiliados) en orden a la cimentación de aquellas estrategias y proyectos de ayuda que tuvieron como protagonista al Comité Pro Catalans Refugiats a França del Casal de Catalunya de Buenos Aires. Partimos del supuesto de que la correspondencia constituyó en el mundo disperso de la emigración y el exilio entre la guerra civil española y la segunda posguerra mundial, uno de los instrumentos fundamentales de construcción de puentes, de cimentación de vínculos y de materialización de proyectos colectivos. ; This article proposes to analyze the universe of humanitarian practices in the Catalan republican expatriation in the second world postwar period with a focus in the paper played by the epistolary exchange that developed between France and Argentina; and in the way in which this correspondence between victims, relatives, witnesses and benefactors located on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean allows to realize of the functioning network of transnational traffic of solidary help do not exempt of political tensions. The work claims to do more complex the traditional national-state approaches of the studies on the republican Spanish exile from the interest for the reconstruction of the links and epistolary interconnections between communities of the expatriation (refugees, evacuated, emigrés, exiles) in order the foundation of those strategies and projects of help that took as a protagonist to the Committee Pro Catalans Refugiats to França of Casal of Catalonia of Buenos Aires. We depart from the supposition that the correspondence constituted, in the dispersed world of the emigration and the exile between the Spanish civil war and the second world postwar period, one of the fundamental instruments of construction of bridges from foundation of links and from materialization of collective projects. ; Fil: Jensen, Silvina Inés. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Bahía Blanca; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Humanidades; Argentina

Recientemente la alianza Cambiemos logró acceder al gobierno argentino por elec­ciones e incluso ganar un histórico bastión del peronismo como lo era la provincia de Buenos Aires. Este triunfo del PRO rompe con la histórica dificultad de la derecha de lograr acceder al poder por medios electorales. Esta situación, inesperada para un sector amplio de las ciencias sociales, reabre indudablemente el debate en torno a los alcances y a la naturaleza del proceso político en ciernes. El artículo propone un análisis del discurso político para mostrar la conformación de un relato que tiende a ocultar la dimensión conflictiva de la política y reemplazarla por una concepción consensualista a la vez que se construye desde una mirada deshistorizadora de nuestro pasado como elemento nodal del relato. ; The political alliance Cambiemos (PRO) has recently become part of the Argentinean national government by winning, among others, in historical strongholds of the Peronist movement such as the province of Buenos Aires. The triumph of PRO breaks with the historical difficulty of the right to gain access to power by electoral means. This situation, which was unexpected by a large segment of the social sciences, undoubtedly reopens the debate about the scope and nature of the political process in the making. The article proposes an analysis of political discourse in order to demonstrate the formation of a discourse that tends to hide the conflictive dimension of politics and replaces it with a consensualist conception while being based on an ahistorical perspective on the past as an essential element of the story. ; Recentemente a aliança Cambiemos conseguiu aceder ao governo argentino por eleições e inclusive ganhar um histórico do peronismo como o era a província de Buenos Aires. Este triunfo do PRO rompe com a histórica dificuldade da direita de conseguir aceder ao poder por meios eleitorais. Esta situação que resultou inesperada por um setor amplo das ciências sociais reabre indubitavelmente o debate em torno aos alcances e natureza do processo político em amadurecimento. O artigo propõe uma análise política para mostrar a conformação de um relato que tende a ocultar a dimensão conflitiva da política e substituí-la por uma conceição de consensualidade que ao mesmo tempo se constrói desde um olhar des-historizada do nosso passado como elemento nodal do relato. ; Fil: Schuttenberg, Mauricio. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina

Este artículo aborda continuidades y rupturas en las actividades de extensión rural realizadas entre 1973 y 1983 por el Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria (INTA) argentino, una de las principales agencias estatales. Dentro de este período, enmarcado por dos transiciones democráticas, se exploran los contenidos y enfoques de sus agendas de extensión rural, en conexión con transformaciones registradas en materia de políticas sectoriales, cambios socioeconómicos del ámbito rural e introducción de mecanismos represivos en el organismo. Se analiza el funcionamiento de la burocracia estatal del INTA durante dos reconfiguraciones institucionales: en 1973, en el marco de la primera transición democrática; y luego, en 1976 con el comienzo de la última dictadura militar. A partir de fuentes documentales y de entrevistas, se reconstruyen directivas institucionales, articulaciones con políticas agropecuarias de alcance nacional y experiencias protagonizadas por extensionistas del INTA, situadas primordialmente en la provincia de Buenos Aires. Se identifica la existencia, durante los años previos al inicio de la última dictadura, de diversas prácticas de contacto con la población rural alternativas al enfoque tradicional dominante, y se señalan sus limitaciones. Finalmente, se analiza la reorientación de las tareas de extensión ruraldel organismo durante su intervención militar (1976-1983). ; The purpose of this paper is to study the activities of rural extension conducted between 1973 and 1983 by one of the main Argentinean state agencies: the National Agricultural Technology Institute (INTA). Regarding this period, which starts and ends with a democratic transition, an analysis has been made on the content and perspective of the organization's rural extension agenda in relation to the transformations seen in matters of sectoral policies, socioeconomic changes in the rural area, and in the implementation of repressive mechanisms. There has been an evaluation on the operation of INTA's state bureaucracy throughout its processes of institutional reconfiguration: one in 1973 alongside that year's democratic transition and the other in 1976 in hand with Argentina's last dictatorship. In light of documentary sources and interviews, a review has been drafted on institutional directives, nationwide coordination of agricultural policies, and the experiences of the INTA extension workers, primarily located in the Buenos Aires province. Additionally, we have identified the existence of various practices during the previous years of the last dictatorship involving direct contact with rural populations different from those of a more traditional approach, and its limitations have also been highlighted. Finally, we have analyzed the reorientation of the institution rural extension tasks as it underwent a military intervention between 1976 and 1983. ; Fil: Gargano, Cecilia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Escuela de Humanidades. Centro de Estudios de Historia de la Ciencia y de la Técnica "José Babini"; Argentina

La disputa acerca del mestizaje comienza a jugar un papel fundamental en Latinoamérica entre finales del siglo XIX y comienzos del XX para adquirir una inédita difusión global en el curso de los años ochenta y noventa, cuando se ubica en el centro de las teorías multiculturales, especialmente las norteamericanas. A partir de experiencias territoriales y campos teóricos distintos, la socióloga boliviana Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui y la antropóloga argentina, arraigada hace tiempo en Brasil, Rita Segato reconstruyen la parábola conceptual del mestizaje, atravesando un recorrido sorprendentemente común. En sus escritos de los años noventa, ambas denuncian la función ornamental y simbólica del mestizaje una vez insertado en las retóricas multiculturales, como mero adorno de las políticas neoliberales, mediante el invento de pretendidas minorías, depositarias residuales de una identidad guardiana de la naturaleza. A ese despojo de la vitalidad de los sujetos subalternos, en sus escritos más recientes, las autoras contraponen nuevas y potentes ontologías que problematizan la idea misma de mestizaje y que, incorporando la larga historia de los cuerpos silenciados y arcaizados, pueden quizás expresar la pulsión radicalmente descolonizadora de las formas contenciosas de las diferencias que habitan los complejos territorios latinoamericanos contemporáneos. ; The dispute on métissage starts to play a fundamental role in Latin America inside the modernist debates about the national unity between the end of the XIX century and the beginning of the XX century, to later acquire an unprecedented global diffusion in the eighties and the nineties of the last century. Using the writings of the Bolivian sociologist Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui and of the Argentinian anthropologist, who has long since been active in Brazil, Rita Segato, the essay reconstructs the historic and political happening of métissage in Latin America. The authors show that it is an historical concept which worked as an instance of legitimation both in the period of colonial oppression and later in the epoch of republican modernization. It represents the instrument to hide -if not to delete- the original character of modern State; for this reason it has been able to play a fundamental role in the epoch of liberalism as much as in the neoliberal one. However in métissage what is also at stake is that it can express the radically de-colonizing impulse of the differences as forms of litigation which inhabit the complex contemporary Latin American territories. ; Fil: Brighenti, Maura. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Instituto de Altos Estudios Sociales; Argentina ; Fil: Gago, Maria Veronica. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Instituto de Altos Estudios Sociales; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina

Describimos los perfiles y las trayectorias políticas de los funcionarios del Ministerio de Desarrollo Social del gobierno de la ciudad de Buenos Aires durante los años 2007 y 2015. Nos centramos en analizar regularidades de género, educativas, partidarias y profesionales al tiempo que buscamos comprender espacios de socialización que desbordan el partido político PRO y que constituyen entramados sociales importantes para explicar la llegada de los funcionarios a un área sensible como el de las políticas sociales en un contexto de consolidación del macrismo como fuerza de gobierno local. En términos de género se destaca la importancia de las mujeres en el área, que ingresan al ministerio a partir de sus vínculos con un padrino político, en general hombre. Las funcionarias más importantes del ministerio no tienen una especialización académica sino que se forman en ONG. Por otro lado, un conjunto de funcionarios tienen experiencia en la gestión debido a sus vínculos con el PJ de la ciudad o nacional. La tradición liberal de formación en ONG de los años 90 se complementa con un sector del peronismo que recupera la tradición evitista para pasar a ocupar cargos de gobierno en área de Desarrollo Social durante la gestión PRO. ; In this article we describe the profiles and the political trajectories of officials of the Ministry of Social Development of the government of the city of Buenos Aires during 2007 and 2015. We focus on describing and analyzing gender, educational, partisan and professional regularities at the time that we seek to understand spaces of socialization that overflow the political party PRO and that are important social structures to explain the arrival of the civil servants to a sensible area like the one of the social policies in a context of consolidation of the macrism like force of local government. In terms of gender, the importance of women in the area is highlighted, who enter the ministry from their links with a political godfather, generally a man. The most important officials of the ministry do not have an academic specialization but are trained in NGOs. On the other hand, a group of officials have management experience due to their ties to the city or national PJ. The liberal tradition of NGO training in the 1990s is complemented by a sector of Peronism that regains the Evitian tradition to move to the position of government in the area of Social Development during PRO management. ; Fil: Salerno, Agustin. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Instituto de Altos Estudios Sociales; Argentina

En este artículo presentamos algunos aportes para una ecología política de los humedales en Argentina. Según el Ministerio de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sustentable de Argentina, el 23% de la superficie del país está ocupada por humedales. Más allá del número y el área que abarcan, los humedales del país tienen una gran diversidad biológica y climática por estar ubicados en diferentes regiones. El interés por este tipo de espacios geográficos fue creciendo tanto dentro de la comunidad científica como en la agenda pública y política global. La valorización internacional de estos ecosistemas tiene como hito el año de 1971, cuando se firma la Convención Internacional sobre Humedales, conocida como?Convención Ramsar?. Por ello, nos propusimos como objetivo localizar y describir los conflictos sociales en los humedales del país, reconocidos como Sitios Ramsar. Consultamos distintas fuentes, rastreando aquellos conflictos que han tenido presencia en los medios de comunicación local o nacional. Posteriormente, cartografiamos y establecimos las características de cada uno de los humedales del país. En las conclusiones problematizamos esta conflictividad retomando algunas reflexiones de índole general. ; In this paper we aim to present some contributions for a political ecology of wetlands in Argentina. According to the Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development of Argentina, 23% of the country's surface is occupied by wetlands. Beyond the number and area they cover, the country's wetlands have great biological and climatic diversity because they are located in different regions. Interest in this type of geographical space grew both within the scientific community and on the global public and political agenda. The international valuation of these ecosystems is based on 1971 when the International Convention on Wetlands, known as the "Ramsar Convention", was signed. For this, we set the objective of locating and describing social conflicts in the Argentinean wetlands recognized as Ramsar Sites. For this, we consulted secondary sources, tracking those conflicts that have had presence in the local or national media. We after mapped them to finally establish the characteristics of each of the country's wetlands. In the conclusions, we problematize this conflictuality returning some reflections of a general nature. ; Fil: Domínguez, Diego Ignacio. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina ; Fil: de la Cal, Victoria. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina ; Fil: Astelarra, Sofía. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina

La organización del Estado nacional argentino implicó una significativa transformación de la forma en que los Estados provinciales habían configurado su territorio durante la primera mitad de siglo XIX a partir de la existencia de fronteras abiertas. Este artículo tiene como objetivo reconstruir las distintas posturas y argumentos que se pusieron en juego y que delinearon la definición de la configuración territorial de la provincia de Corrientes durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Si bien las dirigencias correntinas no alcanzaron sus anhelos de incorporar la región de las Misiones bajo la jurisdicción provincial, el análisis de diversas fuentes permite evidenciar los puntos de tensión con respecto a cuál era la mejor forma de desarrollo para los territorios fronterizos y, a su vez, cómo el Congreso nacional se constituyó en un ámbito privilegiado para arbitrar las heterogéneas posturas políticas y determinar pautas de acción para los espacios disputados. ; The construction of the Argentine state unfolded within a political environment where provincial boundaries were formulated out of largely open frontiers. This paper seeks to explore this situation for the case of Corrientes and it rebuilt different positions and arguments about how boundaries must be defined during the second half past of 19th century, a period in which the province struggled (and failed) to incorporate the Missions territory under its jurisdiction. The analysis of various approaches to this questions permits a broader understanding of how Argentine politicians hoped to develop borderland spaces in more general terms and how the national Congress sometimes acted as referee or mediator among contending factions. ; A organização do Estado nacional argentino implicou uma significativa transformação na forma em que os Estados provinciais haviam configurado seu território durante a primeira metade do século XIX, a partir da existência de fronteiras abertas. Este artigo pretende reconstruir as distintas posturas e argumentos que se colocaram e que delinearam a definição da configuração territorial da província de Corrientes durante a segunda metade do século XIX. Ainda que as diligências de Corrientes não alcançaram seus anseios de incorporar a região das Misiones sob a jurisdição provincial, a análise de diversas fontes permite evidenciar os pontos de tensão com respeito a qual era a melhor forma de desenvolvimento para os territórios fronteiriços e como o Congresso Nacional se constituiu em um âmbito privilegiado para arbitrar as posturas políticas heterogêneas e determinar pautas de ação para os espaços disputados. ; Fil: Bressan, Raquel Valeria. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento. Instituto de Ciencias; Argentina

En el siguiente artículo nos proponemos analizar diferentes experiencias productivas y políticas orientadas a la economía social solidaria en la ciudad de Rosario. Con este fin, en un primer momento, describimos algunos aspectos particulares de las políticas desarrolladas desde la Subsecretaría de Economía Solidaria de la municipalidad de Rosario, atendiendo al contexto nacional y local en que se conforma dicha dependencia. En particular, nuestro interés radica en abordar las heterogéneas prácticas, relaciones y significaciones que construyen sujetos emprendedores y cooperativistas en las interacciones con las políticas sociales. Para este análisis haremos referencia a las diversas trayectorias de los sujetos que confluyen en la conformación de las distintas experiencias y en las modalidades de vinculación con el Estado. Mediante este análisis, buscamos reconstituir el campo transaccional configurado en torno a las políticas sociales de economía social solidaria, destacando las concesiones estatales a las demandas de los sujetos y las sujeciones/adaptaciones de éstos a los requerimientos de las políticas, normativas, regulaciones y controles. ; In the following article we propose to analyze different productive and political experiences oriented to the social economy in the city of Rosario. To this end, we first described some specific aspects of the policies developed from the Under-Secretariat for Solidarity Economy of the municipality of Rosario, taking into account the national and local context in which this dependency is formed. In particular, our interest lies in addressing the heterogeneous practices, relationships and meanings that construct entrepreneurial and cooperative subjects in interactions with social policies. For this analysis we will make reference to the diverse trajectories of the subjects that come together in the conformation of the different experiences and in the modalities of connection with the State. Through this analysis, we seek to reconstitute the transactional field configured around the social policies of solidarity social economy, highlighting the state concessions to the demands of the subjects and the subjections / adaptations of these to the requirements of the policies, regulations, regulations and controls. ; Fil: Vitali Bernardi, Sofia Magali. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas. Unidades en Red Investigaciones Socio-históricas Regionales; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Humanidades y Artes. Centro Núcleo de Estudios del Trabajo y la Conflictividad Social; Argentina ; Fil: Cavigliasso, Cecilia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario. Investigaciones Socio-Históricas Regionales. Centro de Estudios Sociales Regionales - Nodo Cesor - Ishir; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Humanidades y Artes. Centro Núcleo de Estudios del Trabajo y la Conflictividad Social; Argentina ; Fil: Lilli, Licia Maria. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Humanidades y Artes. Centro Núcleo de Estudios del Trabajo y la Conflictividad Social; Argentina

Este trabajo es una incursión en la historia del Partido Socialista en Rosario a partir del estudio de las huelgas producidas a fines de 1912 y 1913. Nos concentramos en ellas debido a que, por una parte, estuvieron enmarcadas en la gestión de Daniel Infante, dirigente local que al asumir el cargo de Intendente se autodenominó socialista e impulsó y defendió las huelgas de diferentes gremios. Bajo esta situación el PS se encontró ante la incertidumbre de apoyar o no a un dirigente externo al partido pero que propiciaba cambios similares a los propuestos por su programa mínimo. Además, si bien el PS apoyó sistemáticamente a los gremios en huelga, no logró transformar esa acción en un éxito político significativo, elemento que nos lleva a indagar sobre el alto grado de dependencia interna del PS local respecto a la dirigencia nacional. Por otra parte, resaltamos una particularidad local, ya que en la coyuntura Rosario vivió un alza de la conflictividad obrera mientras que en el país se transitaba por un reflujo del movimiento obrero producto de las acciones coercitivas del Estado, circunstancia que atribuimos a la particular articulación de los conflictos del sistema político en la arena social. ; In this paper, an advance is made on the history of the Socialist Party (PS) in Rosario, based on the study of the strikes produced at the end of 1912 and 1913. We concentrate on them because they were marked in the management of Daniel Infante, local leader of Spanish origin that when assuming the position of mayor called itself socialist and impelled and defended the strikes of different guilds. Under this situation, the PS was faced with the uncertainty of supporting or not a leader outside the party, but who favored similar changes to those proposed by its minimum program. The article is framed in a period in which Rosario experienced an increase in labor unrest while in the country it was found in a reflection of the workers movement as a result of the coercive actions of the State. However, the final strike of this local cycle was defeated with the military intervention of the city. The action of the PS of Rosario during these strikes was of support to the unions, however, it did not manage to transform that action into an increase of its members. In addition, this study shows the internal dependence of the local SP on the national leadership of socialism ; Fil: Ratto, Alex Emmanuel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario. Investigaciones Socio-Históricas Regionales. Centro de Estudios Sociales Regionales - Nodo Cesor - Ishir; Argentina