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Social history, and urban history in particular, has become increasingly concerned, in recent years, with studying the middle class. Historians have progressed from a concern with the 'success' or 'rise' of the middle classes, to a study themper seboth in quantitative and qualitative terms: questions concerning their wealth, consumption patterns, residential preferences, representation within the political leadership as well as their beliefs, values and role in attention. Urban historians have a particular interest in the study of the local middle class, in a way that takes into account the finer detail of different kinds of urban environment and the complexities of the urban experience. Since much of urban history has been at pains to discover the variety of patterns in urban development and urban society, it is not surprising that recent specialized studies of individual towns and cities have revealed a great variety in the bases of class relations. Indeed, the traditional Marxist notion of a single national class interest is now open to qualification. The disparity between London and the provinces in respect of class interests has long been recognized. An extension of the proposition inherent in that disparity will contend here that there were different types of middle class located in different types of urban environment. Such a proposition is not in itself pathfinding or particularly new. There are problems, however, in deciding in what ways such a differentiated pattern can be drawn out, examined and presented in coherent form.

Accounts of South African history and politics have been much influenced by what might be termed the Calvinist paradigm of Afrikaner history. As a model for the historical understanding of modern Afrikaner nationalism and of the ideology of apartheid it has proved persuasive to historians and social scientists alike. In outline, it amounts to the view that the "seventeenth-century Calvinism" which the Afrikaner founding fathers derived from their countries of origin became fixed in the isolated frontier conditions of trekboer society and survived for generations in the form of a kind of "primitive Calvinism"; that in the first part of the nineteenth century, this gave rise to a nascent chosen people ideology among early Afrikaners, which provided much of the motivation for, as well as the self-understanding of, that central event in Afrikaner history, the Great Trek, while simultaneously serving to legitimate the conquest and subordination of indigenous peoples; and that, mediated in this way, an authentic tradition of Afrikaner Calvinism thus constitutes the root source of modern Afrikaner nationalism and the ideology of apartheid. In fact, very little of this purported historical explanation will stand up to rigorous critical scrutiny: in vain will one look for hard evidence, either in the primary sources of early Afrikaner political thinking or in the contemporary secondary literature, of a set of popular beliefs that might be recognised as "primitive Calvinism" or as an ideology of a chosen people with a national mission.

Introduction. The history of the deportation of the German population to the USSR up to the present time is estimated ambiguously. The issue of the situation of the German intelligentsia deported to the territory of the Kazakh SSR, including members of the AUCP(b) during the Great Patriotic War, remains problematic and has not been thoroughly studied by scholars. The war created a difficult situation: two different streams of people of German nationality merged on the territory of the Kazakh SSR. On the one hand, there were local Germans living in Kazakhstan since pre-revolutionary times, and on the other hand, there were Germans deported during the period of the Great Patriotic War, which requires a separate study. Methods and materials. Based on declassified documents of state and party bodies of regional and republican levels marked "Classified", on the example of the Kustanay regional party organization, the features of the "privileged position" of Germans, members of the AUCP(b) in the conditions of deportation are considered. At the same time, in the regional aspect, detailed lists of teachers, medical workers – "German immigrants who arrived in Kustanay region in 1941" – are being introduced into scholarly discourse, which made it possible to find out the composition of the deported German intelligentsia. The archive file "List of teachers evacuated to districts of Kustanay region in 1941–1942" was analyzed separately, which was not reflected in the historical literature. Analysis. The analysis of the documents shows that, with rare exceptions, all the German intelligentsia deported to Kazakhstan (teachers, philologists, librarians, medical workers) turned out to be collective farm labor in 1941. Proof of discrimination against people of German nationality was the complete absence of data on German teachers (both local and resettled) in the lists of teachers and documents of local authorities. The extremely difficult situation of the deported German intelligentsia (the Volga German ASSR, the Crimean ASSR, the Ukrainian SSR) at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War on the territory of the Kazakh SSR is revealed in the regional aspect (on the example of Kostanay region). This is evidenced by the fate of German teachers, including the German party intelligentsia during the deportation to Kazakhstan at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. Along with this, declassified party documents directly indicate that persons of German nationality continued to be accepted in the primary party cells into the ranks of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Kazakhstan even after the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. Among them were deported German Communists as well. Results. As a result of the collective research work of historians of Russia and Kazakhstan, the situation of the German intelligentsia (including members of the Bolshevik Party) deported at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War from the Volga German ASSR, the Crimean ASSR, and the Ukrainian SSR to the territory of the Kazakh SSR (on the example of Kustanay region) was studied and subjected to scientific analysis for the first time. The article materials will help to facilitate the work of scholars, local historians, and descendants of deported Germans to establish the fate of the loved ones, find the confirmation of their being in forced settlements, and at the same time, broaden scientific topics of papers on the history of Germans in Kazakhstan.

Jordan Cohen


Over the last 48 hours, national news outlets have begun reporting that Ukrainian militias used U.S.-made armored vehicles (albeit unconfirmed by the U.S. government) in an attack over the Russian border and that Ukraine's security services conducted a drone attack against the Kremlin earlier this month. It is important to note that despite Washington's support for Ukraine, the United States was not involved in either attack. This recent escalation – with U.S. weapons systems in one case – is disappointing but not surprising.
Since the start of the conflict, I have written eight different editorials addressing loose weapons in Ukraine. This weapons dispersion happens for a few reasons. First, there is a history of weapons dispersion in Ukraine. According to the 2021 Global Organized Crime Index, Ukraine has one of the largest illegally trafficked arms markets in Europe, especially when it comes to small arms and ammunition. About 300,000 small arms and light weapons were reported lost or stolen between 2013 and 2015. Of these, only slightly more than 13 percent are recovered, while the vast majority remains in circulation on the black market.
All of this was already a problem before the conflict. The invasion exacerbated these issues as the country was flooded with a sudden influx of millions of arms and ammunition and an increasing number of civilians received military training and weapons. As Rep. Sara Jacobs (D‑CA) noted at a 2022 Cato policy forum on the risk of weapons trafficking in Ukraine, the United States does not "have the capacity to do the end‐​use monitoring we were doing before" because monitoring changes when you begin to "arm an insurgency."
This sort of weapons dispersion is not surprising, nor are its effects. Loose U.S. weapons threaten to entangle the United States in a conflict with another nuclear power by unintentionally increasing escalation against Russia, while also risking further destabilization within Ukraine if a disagreement breaks out between different armed groups or in any post‐​conflict situation.
The world has seen weapons dispersion of U.S. arms cause similar damage twice over the last two years. First, in Afghanistan, where the Taliban have used U.S. weapons left behind to arm themselves and generate profits. Second, in Yemen, when U.S. weapons sales to Saudi Arabia turned the United States into an unwitting participant in the conflict.
Nonetheless, while the damage done in Afghanistan and Yemen is severe, they pale in comparison to what could happen in Ukraine. Dispersion in Ukraine risks great power war and destabilization in Eastern Europe. Regrettably, there is little that the United States can do now to prevent this from continuing to happen.

A rejection by some white majority New Zealanders of the category of 'European' to describe their ethnicity in the 2006 census raises questions about how national identity is perceived in a country that has become increasingly multicultural in the last 60 years. Although British culture still remained at the core of New Zealand European identity, why was there a greater impetus by some at this time to seek out a true New Zealand identity or, as some see it, a majority group identity, by claiming 'New Zealander' as their ethnicity rather than 'NZ European' ? This paper draws on the theoretical writings of sociologist David Pearson who takes an historical view of the challenges to majoritarian national narratives of antipodean societies that include "the demise of the British Empire …[and] the rise of a neo-Europe, increasing racial and ethnic diversity and burgeoning regional, indigenous, and religious nationalisms, plus globalization and radical economic and political responses to the insecurities of a new world order" (2008, p.49). In this research I apply the discourse-historical approach of CDA (Wodak et al, 1999; Wodak & Meyer, 2009) to investigate the discourses surrounding people's rejection of their European heritage based on these pivotal factors. Following a review of the historical emergence of a New Zealand national identity since the British first colonised the country in the 1800s, this paper uses a case study of a public online discussion about the 2006 census ethnicity question to explore people's construction of identity in relation to European origins. It focuses on content, discursive strategies and linguistic features in the discussion that contributed to the construction of the nation's identity. Two opposing discourses are identified and discussed – one that legitimises the use of 'New Zealander' as an ethnicity based on the premise that many people no longer feel a connection with Europe and in fact have never 'been there', while the other discourse views the claiming of 'New Zealander' by NZ Europeans for themselves to be a form of discrimination and subtle racism that marginalises other ethnic groups. The transformation of national identity is considered in the context of political rhetoric that called for New Zealanders to be more accepting of ethnic minority groups. Pearson, D. (2008). Reframing majoritarian national identities within an antipodean perspective. Thesis Eleven, 95(November), 48–57. Wodak, R., de Cillia, R., Reisigl, M., & Liebhart, K. (1999). The discursive construction of national identity. Edinburgh, Scotland: Edinburgh University Press. Wodak, R., & Meyer, M. (2009). Critical discourse analysis: History, agenda, theory and methodology. In R. Wodak & M. Meyer (Eds.), Methods of critical discourse analysis (pp. 1–33). London, England: Sage Publications.

Mobilität im Sinne von menschlichem Transport ist eines der ältesten aber zugleich auch ambivalentesten Phänomene menschlicher Gesellschaften: Im Lauf der Geschichte wurden und werden beide, die menschliche Gesellschaft sowie die Umwelt zunehmend von Verkehrs- und Mobilitätsbezogenen Entwicklungen und Innovationen beeinflusst (bspw. Industrielle Revolution, Urbanisierung, Nationalisierung, als Instrument der politischen wie wirtschaftlichen Macht, Globalisierung, Umweltverschmutzung, Klimawandel etc.). Insbesondere Themen wie urbaner Verkehr und Landschaftsplanung werden zukünftig von bedeutender Relevanz sein, zumal ein Management des immerfort wachsenden multi-modalen Verkehrs in den gegenwärtig riesigen urbanen Zentren notwendig ist, um den drohenden Verkehrs- und Klimakollaps zu verhindern.In diesem Zusammenhang ist es umso wichtiger in der Lage zu sein, aufzuzeigen und beweisen zu können, dass ein Mobilitätsmanagement Projekt nicht nur erfolgreich war, sondern vor allem, dass diese Ergebnisse durch die Projektmaßnahmen erreicht wurden, und dass somit das investierte Geld gerechtfertigt ist. Dementsprechend wünschenswert wäre es, sich auf ein nützliches standardisiertes Verfahren oder zumindest einen europaweit-akzeptierten Evaluierungsansatz berufen zu können. Insbesondere unter der Berücksichtigung, dass die Ergebnisse eines solchen Ansatzes bzw. ein solches Programms das Vorgehen von wichtigen Entscheidungsträgern beeinflussen sowie Entscheidungen der städtischen Verkehrspolitik in einem großen Rahmen unterstützen können (z.B. Förderung von Arbeitsweg-Mobilitätsplänen etc.). Das Hauptziel dieser Arbeit ist daher, die Demonstration, wie eine Evaluation von Mobilitätsmanagement-Maßnahmen und Mobilitätsplänen in einem standardisierten Ansatz innerhalb von Europa, durch die Anwendung des ?MaxEva-Monitoring and Evaluation Tools? (entwickelt 2009 im Rahmen des großen Mobilitätsmanagementprojekts MAX) funktionieren kann. ; Mobility in the sense of human transport is one of the most enduring and at the same time most ambivalent phenomena of human societies: Both, natural environment and the society have always been influenced by transportation and mobility-related improvements and developments in the course of history (e.g. industrial revolution, urbanization, nationalization, indicator or instrument of political power, mass tourism, globalization, environmental destruction and pollution, climate change etc.). Especially issues like urban transport and land-use planning will be of particular relevance in future, cause multi-modal mobility in current huge urban centres needs to be managed, in order to avoid chaos and collapse (of both human and environment system). In this context it is of great importance to be in the position to prove and to demonstrate that a project was successful as well as be able to explain that these effects were achieved by the implementations and especially to justify the invested money. Therefore a useful standardized application method or at least European-wide objective evaluation approach is preferable. In particular by considering that such a tool and its results could contribute decisions on urban transport policy to a large extend (e.g. promotion of workplace travel plans, identifying potentials for shared spaces or traffic calmed areas?). Nevertheless there exists neither a standardized method or objective evaluation, nor any corresponding evaluation tool within Europe. In this sense, the main aim of this thesis is the demonstration of how an evaluation of mobility management and mobility plans can be conducted in a standardized way within Europe by the application of MaxEva-Monitoring and Evaluation program (developed in the frame of the huge mobility management project MAX in 2009). In this course MaxEva has been further developed or rather improved to increase usability and mode of operation. ; vorgelegt von Moritz Kammerlander ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2012 ; (VLID)222198

The increasing preoccupation of the scholarly community in recent years with globalization appears to have left its impact on postmodern geographers and historians of cartography as well, several of whom have turned their attention recently to the history and politics of the image that is at the center of this new problematic, namely, the terrestrial globe. As Denis Cosgrove notes in his provocative analysis of cartographic representations of Earth in the Western imagination, "Whether pictured as a networked sphere of accelerating circulation or as an abused and overexploited body, it is from images of the spherical earth that ideas of globalization draw their expressive and political force" (2001: ix). Its very ubiquity as a symbol of the times in which we live underscores the preoccupation with the image of the globe in the late modern imagination. However, as Jerry Brotton observes, its pervasiveness may also point to an increasing redundancy of its appearance in our times, and the image of the globe has suffered what might be called "a waning of affect" (1999: 73). This argument leads him to a study of the early modern period in Europe when the terrestrial globe first emerged in his assessment as "a socially affective object" (ibid.: 72). In hisTrading Territories(1997), Brotton considers how the terrestrial globe came to not just reflect an increasingly "global" world but also to constitute it over the course of the sixteenth century. Its power lay "in the ideological representation of the world it purported to describe. Its lack of cognitive specificity was not its weakness but ultimately its greatest strength, because the very perceptions of distance and space upon which the terrestrial globe rested stressed speculation and conjecture over the extent and possession of distant territories" (1999: 87–88). From the early years of the sixteenth century, even as the Copernican revolution was slowly undoing medieval Christian cosmological conceptions of the universe, terrestrial globes became increasingly crucial to the exercise of state power in Europe, as well as to the surging search for new markets and tradable goods. As importantly, as prestige objects, globes and maps became part of a new gift economy of circulation and exchange, and were sought after like "the spices, pepper, silk and precious metals to which [they] appeared to give directional access" (Brotton 1997: 25; see also Jardine 1996: 295–309, 425–36). In the process, they helped fashion new bourgeois modalities of the self, mostly but not exclusively male. Not surprisingly, as Brotton notes, "It is upon the figure of the globe, as both a visual image and a material object, that many of the social and cultural hopes and anxieties of the period came to be focused" (1997: 21).

В центре статьи попыткарассмотретъ особенности горного ландшафта в русской литературе 1810-1830-х гг. как своеобразную имагологическую категорию, которую по аналогии с маринистикой мы предлагаем назвать монтанистикой. Три этапа ее развития: 1810-е, 1820-е и 1830-е гг. выявляют различные аспекты этого понятия, связанные с эволюцией русской общественно-политической мысли и философии русского романтизма. Своеобразными репрезентантами этого процесса становятся три классика русской литературы: В.А. Жуковский, А. С. Пушкин иМ.Ю. Лермонтов, а его миромоделирующим топосом Кавказ. Через соотношение с европейской, прежде всего немецкой традицией монтанистики (Шиллер, К.Д. Фридрих), намечены пути компаративистского подхода к данной проблеме. ; Romanticism expanded the landscape space: the sea and the mountains organically entered the romantic picture of the world as ontological and anthropological categories. Gradually, with the development of the revolutionary and national liberation movements in Europe, they become part of historiosophical reflection, which is particularly evident in the works of Byron and Pushkin. Traditionally, the marine element is referred to by the marine art notion (from Lat. mare). Based on this practice, the mountain art notion (from Lat. mons-montibus) is introduced for conversations about mountain landscapes. The place and role of mountain art in the history of Russian Romanticism of 1810s 1830s will be described in terms of the colonial discourse. Russian romantic mountain art as a dynamic system has three stages of development. Chronologically, they are inextricably linked with the ideas of the time, and three periods of Russian social history. The 1810s, the era of patriotic enthusiasm, actualized the problem of nationality and the related romantic concept of local color. In the general atmosphere of civil exaltation, the 1820s brought significant changes in the overall picture of romantic mountain art. The Caucasus as the most mountainous part of the Russian Empire showed the explosiveness of its mountain philosophy. The Polish events of 1831 corresponded to the perpetual Caucasian War and marked the new content of the colonial discourse. In the 1830s, the post-Decembrist era, the Caucasus mountain philosophy integrated into the space of Siberia. The Caucasus and Siberia showed a new form of colonial policy -fight against dissent and establishment of places of exile and hard labor. The revolutionary events in Europe exacerbated the socio-political and philosophical content of Russian mountain art. Existential issues had their symbolic expression in the image of a monastery and a cross on a hill. The first stage of development of mountain art as an object of imagology is connected with the poetry of the Columbus of Russian Romanticism Vasily Zhukovsky. It was he who saw the symbolic imagery of the mountain landscape. Zhukovsky's article "Two Universal Stories: An Excerpt of a Letter from Switzerland" published in the Library for Reading journal (1835) set out the principles of "mountain philosophy" and was an experience of the historiosophical reading of the popular poetic image. The history of landslides in the mountains, the destruction, the ruins of several villages is correlated to the history of the "political destructive volcanoes". At the turn of the 1820s 1830s mountain art undergoes a change. It becomes an integral part of the colonial discourse, and the Caucasus becomes its representative. Pushkin's Journey to Erzerum and the Caucasian cycle of poems, which includes "The Caucasus", "The Landslide", "Delibash", "Kazbek Monastery" (1829), were published almost simultaneously with Zhukovsky's article and brought a Russian element into the ideas of "mountain philosophy". The Mountain Georgian Military Road gradually acquired a symbolic and allegorical meaning. Pushkin's way along this road and Griboyedov's life journey are connected by a Georgian song, a free translation of "The Spring Song" by Dimitri Tumanishvili. Mountain peaks, deeps, rock falls, scenic roads, the whole semiosphere of mountain art exacerbate the poet's feelings and create a "travelogue of a soul elevation". This context inevitably displays the anti-war, anti-colonial sentiment. The Circassians hate us. We drove them out of their vast pastures; their villages are devastated, whole families are wiped out. With every passing hour they are further deep into the mountains, sending their raids from there (6, 647). This passage deliberately reminds the theater of war in Pushkin's journey. Unable to frankly convey his emotions, Pushkin constantly draws pictures of ruin and desolation in the background of wonderful mountain scenery. The primary heir to the "mountain philosophy" of Zhukovsky and Pushkin is Lermon-tov. He is justly called the most "mountainous" Russian poet: The Lermontov Encyclopedia records 292 uses of the word "mountain". Lermontov's particular merit was that he populated the poetic Caucasus with his heroes who, together with the names exotic for the Russian verbal culture, with traditions and customs of a mountainous country, absorbed their creator's philosophy of life, becoming his auto-psychological images. Confessions of Ler-montov's heroes organically enter the atmosphere of the Caucasus life, and mountain landscapes gradually but consistently become "landscapes of the soul". A participant in hostilities, the poet sharply raised the problem of man in war. Thus, the history of Russian mountain art represents the most important processes of the Russian history in the 1810s 1830s. Three great Russian poets made "mountain philosophy" an integral part of public opinion which gave a response to the colonial policy. The Caucasus in the works of Zhukovsky, Pushkin and Lermontov develops from a particular topos, a landscape space to a symbol of human being and an act of national self-consciousness.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Preface -- 1. India's First Envoys to Revolutionary Russia -- 2. The Story of a Telegram -- 3. The First Russian Revolution and India -- 4. Tilak and the 1905-1907 Revolution in Russia -- 5. Mahatma Gandhi on the Russian Revolution of 1905 -- 6. Non-Violence: Gandhi and Lenin -- 7. Tolstoy, Gandhi and India -- 8. Galvanising Impact of the October Revolution on India's National-Liberation Movement -- 9. Lenin and the Liberation Struggle in India -- 10. India's Response to Lenin -- 11. Lenin and the Indian Patriots

Der Autor u.a. einer Monographie zu Maimonides, Arzt für Allgemeinmedizin in Hamburg, stellt in dieser Publikation erstmals die deutschen Aktivitäten auf dem Gebiet der Planung und Entwicklung von B-Waffen und der biologischen Kriegsführung dar. Die gut und sorgfältig recherchierte Darstellung zeigt, wie zunächst und bis in die unmittelbare Vorkriegsphase hinein die scheinbar defensive Ausrichtung vorzuherrschen schien, dann aber die medizinische experimentelle Forschungspraxis (nicht zuletzt in den KZ) den defensiven Charakter sehr bald in Richtung auf konkrete Anwendung umwertete, bis hin zum geplanten Pesteinsatz gegen die Rote Armee im April 1945. Die Sache, biologische Kriegsführung, ist keineswegs Vergangenheit, die Konsequenzen praktizierter B-Waffenproduktion haben drohende Aktualität. (LK/HH: Andrae)

This book is a concise and accessible introduction to the problem of war crimes in modern history, emphasizing the development of laws aimed at regulating the conduct of armed conflict developed from the 19th century to the present. Bringing together multiple strands of recent research in history, political science, and law, the book starts with an overview of the attempts across the pre-modern world to regulate the initiation, conduct, and outcomes of war. It then presents a survey of the legal revolution of the 19th century when, amidst a global welter of colonial wars, the first body of formal codes and laws relating to distinguishing legal from criminal conduct in war was developed. Further chapters investigate failed but influential attempts to develop the laws of war in the post-World War I period and summarize the major landmarks in international law related to war crimes, such as the Hague conventions and the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials, as well as hundreds of lesser-known post-World War II trials in Europe and Asia. It also looks at the origins and debated significance of the Genocide Convention of 1948 and the 1949 Geneva Conventions, accounts for the acceleration worldwide of war crimes investigations and trials from the 1970s into the 2000s, and summarizes current thinking about international law and the rapidly changing nature of warfare worldwide as well as the memorialization of war crimes. Including images, documents, a bibliography highlighting the most recent scholarship, a chronology, who's who, and a glossary, this is the perfect introduction for those wishing to understand the complex field or war crimes history and its politics.

"This book is a concise and accessible introduction to the problem of war crimes in modern history, emphasizing the development of laws aimed at regulating the conduct of armed conflict developed from the 19th Century to the present. Bringing together multiple strands of recent research in history, political science, and law the book starts with an overview of the attempts across the pre-modern world to regulate the initiation, conduct, and outcomes of war. It them moves on to present a survey of the legal revolution of the 19th Century when, amidst a global welter of colonial wars, the first body of formal codes and laws relating to distinguishing legal from criminal conduct in war was developed. Further chapters investigate failed but influential attempts to develop the laws of war in the post-World War I period, summarize the major landmarks in international law related to war crimes, such as the Hague conventions and the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials, as well as hundreds of lesser-known post-World War II trials in Europe and Asia. It also looks at the origins and debated significance of the Genocide Convention of 1948 and the 1949 Geneva Conventions accounts for the acceleration worldwide of war crimes investigations and trials from the 1970s into the 2000s and summarizes current thinking about international law and the rapidly changing nature of warfare worldwide as well as the memorialization of war crimes. Including images, documents, a bibliography highlighting the most recent scholarship, a chronology, who's who, and a glossary, this is the perfect introduction for those wishing to understand the complex field or war crimes history and its politics"--

Intro -- Contents -- Foreword -- Endnotes -- Bibliography -- Preface -- Introduction -- Is race real? -- Where does race come from? -- How does any group (such as coloureds) come to be a racial problem? -- Why are women of colour represented negatively in research? -- Is research not objective? -- What are the ethical foundations of sound research (on race)? -- What does a critical (rather than essentialist) study of race look like? -- What does a systemic (or structural) rather than racial group analysis of problems look like? -- Does method matter when the questions are flawed? -- Can race be unlearned? -- Conclusion -- Endnotes -- Bibliography -- SECTION A: Race and the Genes -- 01. The Role of Genetics in Racial Categorisation of Humans -- Introduction -- The basics of DNA -- Genetic variation in humans: How did this come about? -- Link between genetic variation and human disease -- Concept of race: On what is the label based? -- Eugenics -- Concluding remarks -- Endnotes -- Bibliography -- 02. The Boomerang: How eugenics and racial science in the German colonies rebounded on Europe and the rest of the world -- Introduction -- The boomerang -- Conclusion -- Endnotes -- Bibliography -- SECTION B: Race and the Present Past -- 03. Reinterrogating Race in Scientific Research: A view from the history of physical anthropology -- Introduction -- A short history of physical anthropology -- Physical anthropology comes to Stellenbosch University -- A lesson from history -- Conclusion -- Endnotes -- Bibliography -- 04. A Century of Misery Research on Coloured People -- Introduction -- Digging in the archives -- A thematic analysis of race and research at Stellenbosch University -- Making sense of a century of misery research on coloured people -- Misery research and the compulsion to compare -- Conclusion -- Endnotes -- Bibliography.

Intro -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: The Politics of Recall Elections -- 1.1 Structure of the Volume -- References -- Chapter 2: Recall: Democratic Advance, Safety Valve or Risky Adventure? -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Diffusion: Why and How Recall Has Been Introduced? -- 2.3 Institutional Design and the Incidence of Recall Activation -- 2.4 Varied Outcomes -- Turnout, Scale and Strategic Adaptation -- 2.5 Representative Democracy and Recall -- 2.6 For or Against Recall? -- References -- Chapter 3: The Political Theory of the Recall. A Study in the History of the Ideas -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 The Early History of the Recall -- 3.3 The Recall in the United States -- 3.4 Marx and the Recall in Europe -- 3.5 Lenin and the Recall -- 3.6 Gramsci, Luxemburg and Other Socialist Advocates of the Recall -- 3.7 Conclusion -- References -- Legal Cases: -- Chapter 4: The Recall in France: A long standing and unresolved debate -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 The History of the Demand for Recall Elections in France -- The Framing of the Demand: Imperative Mandate during the French Revolution (1789-1793) -- A Timid Progression in Times of Revolutionary Ideals (1848-1871) -- The Implantation of Political Unaccountability (1875-1958) -- 4.3 Removing Elected Officials Before Completion of Their Term in France -- The President's Right to Dissolve the National Assembly -- The Parliamentary Right to Remove the President -- 4.4 The Yellow Vests Movement and the Return of Recall to the Political Agenda -- The Political Context: Rising Demands for Political Accountability -- The Yellow Vests Movement and Its Proposals for Institutional Reform in France -- Everything but Citizen I& -- R: The Reception of the Demand -- 4.5 Is There a Future for Recall Procedures in France?.

"Republics of Knowledge tells the story of how the circulation of knowledge shaped the formation of nation-states in Latin America, and particularly in Argentina, Peru and Chile, during the century after Iberian rule was defeated in the 1820s. Most immediately, the author has sought to provide a cross-disciplinary approach to the history of knowledge, combining the methods of global intellectual history with a new way of thinking about nations as experienced and enacted as well as how they are imagined, and in so doing offer a new interpretation of the history of independent Latin America to illustrate its wider significance in the making of the modern world. By bringing these lines of inquiry together within a transnational framework, Nicola Miller shows how evidence from the pioneering nations of Latin America can invite historians to rethink many of their general theories about how knowledge travels and how a sense of nationhood is created. The book is designed to stimulate debate about the significance of knowledge not only in Latin America but in all modern societies. As Miller explains, Latin America is usually regarded as an exception to general theories, notably of colonialism, nationalism and liberalism; and yet it was in that part of the world, not in Europe, that the Age of Revolution brought the founding of a second wave of modern republics, and it was in Latin America that pioneering attempts were made to apply liberal principles in societies with inherited caste divisions and corporate institutions. It was there that some of the richest debates about the vexed relationship between collective identities and individualism took place"