Suchergebnisse

G.H. Mead stated in 1 896 that there are three general types of human activity: work, play and art. Play, work and art are the cornerstones of the kind of social experience the Chicago pragmatists (Mead, Dewey and Addams) had in mind and the basis of any democratic education. These are also three ways to enrich and diversify the patterns of social interaction in any given community, the social conditions for which keep changing in a social environment with growing complexity. The first aim of the paper is to present the conception of game and play due to G.H. Mead as intrinsically linked to the other two types of human activity. The second aim of the paper is to critically examine the possibilities for a pragmatist social philosophy in the current global world. ; En 1986 Mead apuntó que existen tres tipos generales de actividad humana: el trabajo, el juego y el arte. Juego, trabajo y arte son las piedras angulares de la clase de experiencia social que los pragmatistas de Chicago tenían en mente y la base para cualquier educación democrática. También son tres modos de enriquecer y diversificar los modos heredados de interacción social para cualquier comunidad dada, modos cuyas condiciones han ido variando en entornos sociales de creciente complejidad. El primer objetivo del artículo será presentar la concepción de juego debida a G.H. Mead, intrínsecamente vinculado a los otros dos tipos de actividad humana. El segundo objetivo del artículo será el de examinar críticamente las posibilidades de la filosofica social pragmatista para el actual mundo globalizado.

Prior research on federal court judges suggests that their judgments are not made solely on legal principles, but on the basis of political ideology and "strategic anticipation" of the actions of reviewing courts. This study seeks to empirically test the role these factors play in Federal District Court decisions involving the U.S.A. Patriot Act of 2001. The results indicate that both political policy preference and strategic anticipation have an effect on the judicial decisions of U.S. District Court judges. Due to statistical complications, however, it was not possible to determine their relative effects on the outcomes of Patriot Act cases.

This article focuses on two aspects. On the one hand, makes a brief from Arab sources to follow the political developments in the town and its role in the judicial and administrative changes that took place in the Almoravid period, overall. The article extends a little more in this section, including Nasrid period, because of the prominence that Guadix gained, often in periods of crisis and political instability in the most part of Andalusian history. On the other hand, it analyzes the composition of the qadiship of this town in the Almoravid period. It is noteworthy that information concerning to the city is visible only in the sources when the city starred a political or military fact. It is clear too, that the status of Guadix as a "border" city with a great political instability explains the absence of data about his judicial administration during the Taifa period. The political stability that had the province of Granada in the Almoravid period, including Guadix, made this kind of administration possible and feasible. Guadix became important in the Almoravid period, something that is reflected not only in the allocation to the city as a qadiship dependent of the management of Granada, but also in the dispute between families of Granada to grab his qadiship. ; Este artículo estudia dos aspectos. Por un lado, hace un breve recorrido entre las fuentes árabes para seguir de cerca la evolución política de la localidad y su papel en los posibles cambios judiciales y administrativos que se produjeron sobre todo en el periodo almorávide. El artículo se extiende un poco más en este apartado, incluyendo periodos con el nazarí, por la simple razón de que Guadix a menudo ganaba protagonismo en periodos de crisis e inestabilidad política durante buena parte de la historia andalusí. Por el otro lado, analiza la composición del cadiazgo de la localidad en el periodo almorávide. Llama la atención que la información relativa a la ciudad sólo es visible en las fuentes cuando la ciudad protagonizó algún hecho de carácter político o militar. Por otro lado, se observa claramente que la condición de Guadix como ciudad "fronteriza" y con una gran inestabilidad política explica en gran medida la ausencia de datos sobre su administración de justicia durante el periodo de taifas. La estabilidad política que conoció la provincia de Granada en el periodo almorávide, incluida Guadix, hizo que fuera posible y viable una administración de justicia. Guadix adquirió gran importancia en época almorávide, hecho que queda reflejado no sólo en la dotación a la ciudad de un cadiazgo dependiente de la administración de la capital Granada, sino también por la disputa de familias granadinas para acaparar su cadiazgo.

With 21 years of experience in integration, the MERCOSUR has designed a system of dispute resolution that despite adjust to economic reality and its own structural simplicity, was notalways adequate to achieve its objectives. In this sense, from the scheme of Annex III of the Treaty of Asuncion to the Olivos Protocol and the extensive period of the Protocol of Brasilia validity, were lot of controversies and critics about the system that lead now, once again, to re-discuss the scope of the methodology chosen and the prospects for change to provide greater legal certainty.This paper will make a rapid assessment of the controversial system after the reforms introduced by the Olivos Protocol and the MERCOSUR Parliament's proposal to create a Common Court, in order to arrive at general conclusions and suggestions for change with "real possibility of realization". ; En veintiún años de experiencia integracionista el MERCOSUR diseñó un sistema de solución de controversias que, pese a ajustarse a su realidad económica y simpleza estructural, no siempre resultó adecuado para lograr sus objetivos. En tal sentido, desde el esquema del Anexo III del Tratado de Asunción al Protocolo de Olivos, pasando por un amplio período de vigencia del Protocolo de Brasilia, se sucedieron controversias y cuestionamientos que llevan a que hoy -nuevamente- resulte ineludible rediscutir los alcances de la metodología escogida y las perspectivas de cambio para proporcionar mayor seguridad jurídica. En este trabajo se hará una rápida evaluación del sistema controversial a partir de las reformas introducidas por el Protocolo de Olivos, así como de la propuesta del Parlamento del MERCOSUR de creación de una Corte de Justicia del bloque, con el objeto de arribar a conclusiones generales y sugerencias de cambio con "posibilidad real de concreción".

The "parent trigger" has been promoted as a mechanism to increase parents' empowerment over their local schools and over their children's education. While superficially appealing to democratic processes by "letting parents decide," as evidenced in the recently released movie Won't Back Down, the emphasis of parent trigger advocates is on mounting a campaign to authorize the transfer of authority over schools from public to private governance. Accordingly, because it outsources school governance to Educational Management Organizations who have no obligation to (and often no physical presence in) the community, the parent trigger ultimately thwarts continued, sustained community and parental involvement.