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This article proposes a processual–relational perspective on region-making and its effects in world politics. It revisits the concepts of regionalism and regionalisation to unearth the relational mechanisms underlying these archetypical pathways of regional emergence. Regionalism refers to the bounding of regions – the definition of its inside and outside, and of which actors fall on either side. Regionalisation denotes the binding of regions, the amalgamations of relations around a shared territoriality. I argue that regions affect world politics in their making through the boundaries raised and relations produced in the process. I then mobilise network theory and analysis to propose a framework for studying the making and makings of regions. Regions' binding and bounding are rooted in brokerage dynamics that sustain clusters of relations denser inside a regional boundary, rather than outside, and allow some actors to control interactions across that boundary. I illustrate this framework with a case study on the emergence of the Amazon as a region in world politics. I analyse interaction networks in UN-level environmental negotiations involving the ecosystem. The analysis shows how the making of the Amazon has been tied to preserving the position of Amazonian states as the main brokers, speaking for and acting on behalf of the region. ; Networked territoriality: A processual–relational view on the making (and makings) of regions in world politics ; publishedVersion

The strategic rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran has been worsened for the last two decades. This historical sectarian divisions led by Saudi Arabia and Iran has now morphed into a struggle for regional influence between Shia political power led by Iran and Sunni political power led by Saudi Arabia. Against this backdrop, the study examines the contours of the Middle Eastern security in the context of Saudi and Iran strategic rivalry in various conflicts such as crisis in Syria, Yemen, and situation in Iraq including proxy wars and Iran's nuclear program. The study finds out that the security situation of the Middle East would have been much better if Saudi and Iran would have cooperated on various issues such as Yemen and Syrian crisis. In addition, the internal vulnerabilities of the Middle East with Iran and Saudi strategic antagonism provided opportunities to the external power intervention that further has intensified the conflicts in the region. The study concludes that the solution of the Middle Eastern problem would lie in building cooperation between Iran and Saudi Arabia relations and in this respect the current rapprochement between the two states is a positive development for Middle Eastern security.

Este ensayo aborda la institucionalización de la cooperación internacional de México de 1990 a 2011. Parte de los profundos cambios que en lo externo (fin de la guerra fría) y en lo interno (cambió de modelo económico), colocaron a México en una posición paradójica: país del Sur con afiliaciones en organismos del Norte. Hace un recuento de la evolución de su sistema de cooperación internacional en esos años y de cómo finalmente buscó atajar ese desafío: tratando de mediar entre las tradiciones de Cooperación del Norte y del Sur y avanzando en la institucionalización de su sistema de cooperación que culmina con la creación de la AMEXCID. ; This essay deals with Mexico's institutional making of its international cooperation from 1990 to 2011. It starts by analyzing how profound changes abroad (the end of the Cold War) and at home (a new economic model) placed Mexico in a paradoxical position: as a country of the South affiliated to Northern organizations. It recounts the evolution of its international cooperation system during this period and examines how it finally dealt with this challenge: seeking to mediate between Northern and Southern traditions of cooperation and institutionalizing its system through the creation of the AMEXCID. ; Cet essai aborde l'institutionnalisation de la coopération internationale du Mexique de 1990 à 2011. Des transformations majeures à l'extérieur (fin de la guerre froide) et à l'intérieur (nouveau modèle économique), ont placé le Mexique dans une position paradoxale : pays du Sud affilié aux organisations du Nord. Il touche l'évolution de son système de coopération internationale au cours de ces années, et comment il a finalement voulu relever ce défi, cherchant à servir de médiateur entre les traditions de coopération du Nord et celles du Sud, et avancer vers l'institutionnalisation de son système de coopération qui aboutit à la création de l'AMEXCID.

International audience ; This article considers the politics and economics of arms trade in the Persian Gulf from the perspective of the importers, rather than the usual focus on the exporters. It analyses the purposes that weapons purchases have served over the last three decades for three of the most important Middle Eastern arms importers—the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar. This shows an increasingly blurred divide between the political, economic and strategic dimensions of the arms trade. It suggests an important shift in the relations between the arms client/importing states, supplier/exporting states, and defense industrial companies.

Developed countries, defined in the global climate negotiations as the Annex I countries, have been expected to take the lead in tackling climate change. However, given the severity of climate change, reducing China's emissions is critical. China is a developing country with world's highest emissions and a leader in the renewable sector. Hence, outside expectations for China's climate action have been growing. Through constructivist role theory, the article researched what external expectations there are for China's potential climate leadership role. The leadership ex-pectations of developed countries were examined from the UN climate conference high-level segment statements from 2016 to 2018. Results of the discourse analysis explain the expecta-tions in six storylines: 1) all parties are placed on the same line, 2) the dichotomy of developing and developed countries is deconstructed, 3) the position of developing countries is highlighted, 4) China has a greater responsibility than non-Annex or a regular party, 5) China is recognized as a climate actor, and 6) China is excluded as a major player. The expectations recognize China's structural climate leadership but acknowledging China as a global climate leader might pose a role conflict for the developed countries. The conclusion suggests that this acknowledgement would require developed countries to rethink their own climate leadership and assign the role with China ; Peer reviewed

"Honduran Social Movements: Then and Now" published on by Oxford University Press.

Ukrayna krizi sonrasında uluslararası ilişkiler sisteminde yoğun bir tartışma yaşanmıştır. Bu kriz dış dünya ile Rus ilişkilerinde bir sarsıntıya neden olmuş, NATO'nun stratejilerini yenilemesine neden olmuştur. Bu nedenle, makalenin amacı Ukrayna Krizi çerçevesinde ortaya çıkan NATO stratejilerindeki dönüşüm çerçevesinde Rusya ve NATO ilişkilerinin incelenmesidir. Rusya, Vladimir Putin'in Rusya Güvenlik Konseyi'nde yaptığı bir görüşmede açıkça ortaya koyduğu gibi ekonomik diplomasi ve yumuşak güç yöntemlerini kullanarak uluslararası arenada aktif bir politikayı sağlamak ve sürdürmekle ilgilenmektedir. Ancak, Ukrayna krizinden sonra 2014-2015 yılları arasında dünyada Rus pozisyonu çarpıcı şekilde değişmiştir. Kuzey Atlantik Antlaşması Örgütü (NATO) ve Moskova arasındaki ilişkinin tarihi tam olarak "sorunlar, güvensizlik ve yanlış anlamalar" şeklinde yorumlanabilir. Ukrayna çatışması, Rusya-Batı ilişkilerini Soğuk Savaşın bitiminden bu yana ilk defa çatışma sınırına getirdi. NATO Soğuk Savaşın bittiğinden bu yana yeni bir stratejik vizyon arıyor. Şu anda, yeni bir siyasi-askeri atmosfer Rusya'nın eylemleri tarafından tehdit edilmekle birlikte, bu yeni iklimin tüm tarafların menfaatine olmadığı açıktır; bir takım güvenlik tehditleri hem Avrupa Atlantik hem de Avrasya için ciddi zorlu olmuştur. Birinci bölümde Tarihsel süreç ve stratejiler, İkinci bölümde soğuk savaş'tan günümüze NATO ile Rusya arasındakı İlişkinin değerlendirilmesi, Üçüncü bölümde Ukrayna krizi ve sonuncu bölümde ise Ukrayna Krizi'nden sonra NATO-Rusya arasındaki yeni ve değişen stratejiler tanımlanacaktır. ; Through the Ukrainian crisis, we have realised a thoughtful debate in the international relations method. This crisis has shaken Moscow's relationships with the external world and has led NATO to renew its strategies. Therefore, the aim of this article is to examine the relations between Russia and NATO in the context of the transformation of NATO strategies that emerged within the framework of the Ukrainian crisis. Nowadays, Russia is interested in achieving and continuing a dynamic strategy in the international arena, by means of economic negotiation and soft power methods, as evidenced by Russian president Vladimir Putin in a board meeting with the Russian Security Council. However, the Russian situation in the outside world has radically changed after the Ukrainian crisis, during 2014-2015. The history of the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Moscow can be fully interpreted as "problems, insecurity and misunderstandings". For the first time, since the end of the Cold War, the Ukrainian conflict brought the Russian-Western relations to the borderline of confrontation. Alliance has been trying to find a different strategical concept since the end of the Cold War. Nowadays, although a different political-military environment is threatened by Russia's activities, however, it's clear that this different environment is not in the interest of all parties as a number of security threats have been severely challenging for equally the Euro- Atlantic and Eurasia. Firstly, I would try to underline historical processes and strategies between NATO-Russia, then I will describe the evaluation of the relationship between NATO and Russia since the Cold War. Secondly, I will discuss the Ukraine crisis and Finally, I will try to show new and changing strategies between NATO and Russia after the Ukraine crisis.

Constructivist approach to international politics has been gaining ground, emphasizing the role of shared ideas in shaping state behavior. The state identity is determined primarily by shared ideas rather than material forces, and that the identities and interests of purposive actors are constructed by these shared ideas rather than given by nature. The official political discourse has been tracing the dynamics of the image and correlate it with the ideas the mass consciousness. The valued sources on the subject "What is Russia?" are annual Presidents' Missives to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation since 1994. The Presidents have addressed Missives 22 times yet. Content-analysis of the presidential texts has allowed to fix the basic characteristics of «the image of Russia» not only as "Russian state" but as an international actor (the external aspect of the image). The official discourse has been adapting to the myths and ideologies rooted in the mass consciousness of Russians. ; Конструктивістська парадигма в теорії міжнародних відносин дозволяє досліджувати взаємовідносини держав з врахуванням уявлень акторів про самих себе та інших учасників міжнародних відносин. Для розуміння особливостей поведінки суб'єкта політики на міжнародній арені вагоме значення має його політична ідентичність, яку фіксує «внутрішній» образ країни. Аналіз офіційного політичного дискурсу дозволяє простежити динаміку цього образу та співвіднести його з уявленнями, поширеними в масовій свідомості громадян. Серед джерел, що містять «кремлівський» дискурс з питання «що таке Росія?», слід звернути увагу на щорічні Послання Президента РФ Федеральним Зборам, практика яких була започаткована ще в 1994 р. За цей час президенти 22 рази виступали з цими текстами. Контент-аналіз президентських текстів дозволив зафіксувати базові характеристики образу Росії і як «держави росіян», і як міжнародного актора (зовнішній аспект образу). Офіційний дискурс не є конструктом того образу країни, який просуває російська влада. Він повсякчас підлаштовується під міфологеми та ідеологеми, що існують у масовій свідомості росіян.

This study assesses the impact of changing narratives on public opinion toward the Palestine-Israel conflict. In contrast to other U.S.-Israel relations studies, but in accordance with some media influence and public opinion research, this study emphasizes the potential role of American public opinion in shaping U.S.-Israel relations. Furthermore, this study attempts to attribute the pro-Israel American attitude shown in Gallup polls to the lack of information about the Palestine-Israel conflict in American mainstream media. This study tests whether public opinion will shift after being exposed to different narratives that falls under one of three major perceptions reported in the current rhetoric regarding the Palestinian-Israeli conflict: 1) Israelis are the victims of Palestinian aggression 2) Israel is a geo-strategic ally of the U.S. in a hostile region, 3) Israel, like the United States, is a liberal democracy. This research includes three primary source surveys to test the impact of biased narratives and unconventional information about Palestine and Israel on public opinion toward the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.