Traditionally, universities have been understood in terms that assume their special status within the social world – somehow divorced from the places within which they find themselves. Yet they are also increasingly expected to make some contribution to regional development. With the help of evidence drawn from an Economic and Social Research Council project, this article sets out to explore some of the implications of recognising the importance of the changing policy geographies of higher education. It highlights the extent to which and considers the ways in which universities are embedded within their regions and localities, while also being connected to a wider set of relationships.
AbstractTranslation practice is a code interaction situation (Schäffner and Adab 1997; Cronin 2003; Heine and Kuteva 2005; House 2006), which can bring about change in target linguistic systems through the cumulative effect of hegemonic donor languages on reception ones.The study traces development of politeness-related features in English-Greek samples of translated political science discourse. A pilot study first identifies a set of shift types between the English and Greek versions of John Stuart Mill's essay
Are smaller members of the World Trade Organization able to use the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism on an equal footing with the more powerful members of the organization? This paper examines the relationship between wealth and power of states and their ability to participate fully within this system of dispute resolution. Two alternative hypotheses are considered. The "power hypothesis" predicts that politically weak countries will refrain from filing complaints against politically powerful states for fear of costly retaliation. The "capacity hypothesis" predicts the opposite - low income states will tend to complain about behavior by high income states because the latter offer a higher expected return. Using the set of all WTO disputes we test these two hypotheses and find considerable support for the capacity hypothesis and no support for the power hypothesis. We conclude that poor states behave differently than their rich counterparts because they lack the financial, human, and institutional capital to participate fully in the dipute resolution system.
Are smaller members of the World Trade Organization able to use the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism on an equal footing with the more powerful members of the organization? This paper examines the relationship between the wealth and power of states and their ability to participate fully within this system of dispute resolution. Two alternative hypotheses are considered. The "power hypothesis" predicts that politically weak countries will refrain from filing complaints against politically powerful states for fear of costly retaliation. The "capacity hypothesis" predicts the opposite – low income states will tend to complain about behavior by high income states because the latter offer a higher expected return. Using the set of all WTO disputes we test these two hypotheses and find considerable support for the capacity hypothesis and no support for the power hypothesis. We conclude that poor states behave differently than their rich counterparts because they lack the financial, human, and institutional capital to participate fully in the dispute resolution system.