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This paper examines good governance and accountability as a sine qua non for ensuring effective development and social order, with special reference to the Nigerian nation state. Development, which has to do with both quantitative and qualitative changes in the structure and performance of forces of production through eradication of poverty, disease, hunger, inequality, unemployment among other social problems can not meaningfully take place without good governance in place. The concept of good governance encompasses general values and basic freedoms that include accountability, competence, the reign of the rule of law and absence of human right abuse. The paper gives an overview of governance with focus on the democratic dispensation with a view to determining how it has, over the years, contributed to the current level of development of the nation and it also reviews the failures of the national developmental efforts as a result of some deficits in the national leadership either from the intellectual, moral, or ideological point of view as well as the attempt to run a democratic polity without genuine commitment to the principles of accountability. The paper ends by showing the responsibility of governance in ensuring political stability, provision of sound institutions, sound macro economic policies, conducive investment climate, good management of natural resources, accountability, welfare schemes, and a climate free of corruption all of which are essential ingredients for development.

This working paper explores the reasons commonly identified for the rise of political and radical Islam throughout the Muslim world. Besides Anti-American sentiment which is often attributed to U.S. support for Israel as well as American backing for hated repressive regimes, especially in the Middle East, the paper also looks at the radicalization of Asian Muslim communities. Regional conflicts have created large cadres of committed Jihadis and unresolved conflicts have likewise contributed to the growth of radicalism. Which ever the case, the absence of ideological alternatives and the declining performance of the state in caring for its citizens is a major factor, which have been exploited by well-funded and organized radical groups. Western aid, as experience has shown in South Asia, has largely been used in terms of short-term security interests.

Abstract: Following an international comparative public policy approach, this paper compares the Brazilian logistic-state model and the new-developmental model, introduced by Latin-American authors, with the European Union's Europe 2020 Strategy. The paper develops three main arguments: (i) that a relation of commensurability can be established between the Brazilian logistic state-model, its associated new-developmental model and the Europe 2020 Strategy, (ii) that the establishment of such a relation has to take into consideration the distinctions between Brazil and the European Union which represent distinct forms of political organization; and (iii) that the European Union's Europe 2020 Strategy represents the European Union and its member-states as logistic regulators concerning state-society relations. The policy significance of both arguments is evaluated. The paper, building from an international comparative public policy perspective, focus on the policy and academic relevance of comparing three policy paradigms developed in different institutional settings but whose policy framework can be represented as commensurable.

In this article, I discuss why steps towards basic income (BI) 'from within' the state are institutionally plausible in Denmark, yet this 'inside-out' transition is contested in Danish society. I argue that implementation since the 1990s of the flexicurity regime – labour flexibility with social transfers and training – has stretched the developmental tradition that historically has fed the case for broadly inclusive reforms. An 'Equality Paradox' is shaped by two relationships, between high social equality and feasibility of basic income, on the one hand, and high social equality and developmentalism, on the other. The upshot is basic income rests on developmentalism indirectly, as state-promotion of economic equality, cooperative public finance, and human development-oriented governing of core institutions all contribute to the feasibility of a BI reform. The 'Equality Paradox' explains why rising inequality and precarity in Denmark make a case for basic income within the public sector but the source of this inequality – neo-liberalism – also puts it at risk.

Although the notion of developmental welfare is not new, it is only in recent times that its central premises have again attracted attention in social policy circles. Since developmental welfare offers an opportunity to challenge the neo‐liberal claim that social expenditures harm the economy, and that economic development requires retrenchments in state welfare, more information about this approach is needed. This article discusses the developmental welfare approach with reference to neo‐liberalism's current hegemonic influence on social policy. It traces the historical evolution of developmental welfare, discusses its theoretical implications and outlines its practical proposals.

Introduction : juvenile justice and 21st century calls for reform -- Characterizing contemporary delinquency -- Characterizing contemporary juvenile justice -- Development, decision-making, and identity -- Expanding the evidence base for developmental juvenile justice -- Developmentally-suitable treatment and sanctions -- Implementation science and juvenile justice reform.

This paper contributes to the understanding of the diversity of capitalism by combining approaches from comparative political economy and development studies, notably developmental state theory. We show that different types of capitalism react differently to global shocks and offer some support for the classic varieties of capitalism argument that external pressure leads to the reinforcement of historically evolved institutions. Moreover, we make several departures from established theories on the variety of capitalism, namely, their Eurocentric bias, their under-theorization of the role of the state, and the methodological conservative bias of institutionalist approaches. At the empirical level, this paper studies the reaction of East Asian countries (China, Japan and Korea) to the global financial crisis with a focus on fiscal stimulus packages that were implemented from 2008 to 2010. Unlike in the West, where a (short-lived) revival of Keynesianism could be observed, East Asian governments implemented large fiscal stimulus packages with strong elements of industrial policies. This paper argues that the size and character of fiscal stimulus packages can be explained by a path dependency of developmental state capitalism. In addition, the paper examines the substantial changes in the transformation from an old-style developmental state to a neo-developmental state. ; Dieses Diskussionspapier trägt zur Diskussion über unterschiedliche Spielarten des Kapitalismus bei, indem Theorieansätze aus den Bereichen Vergleichende Politische Ökonomie und Entwicklungstheorie miteinander verbunden werden. Ich stelle in diesem Papier dar, wie verschiedene Spielarten des Kapitalismus unterschiedlich auf den externen Schock der Weltfinanz- und Wirtschaftskrise seit 2008 reagiert haben. Das Papier stützt in gewissem Maße die Behauptung der Debatte über die varieties of capitalism, dass externe Herausforderungen tendenziell zu einer Stärkung historisch gewachsener institutioneller Arrangements führen. Gleichzeitig versucht der Beitrag, einige Schwachstellen der bisherigen Forschung zur Diversität von Kapitalismus zu überwinden - insbesondere den eurozentrischen Ansatz, die mangelnde Konzeptualisierung der Rolle des Staates und die zu enge Auslegung des Begriffs der Pfadabhängigkeit. Auf der empirischen Ebene untersucht dieses Diskussionspapier das Krisenmanagement ostasiatischer Länder (China, Japan und Südkorea) seit 2008. Der Fokus liegt dabei auf der Fiskalpolitik und der Implementierung von Konjunkturpaketen. Im Unterschied zum (kurzlebigen) Revival keynesianischer Nachfragepolitik im Westen lässt sich in Asien ein Rückgriff auf Elemente der Infrastruktur- und Industriepolitik beobachten. Diese Stärkung von Institutionen des klassischen ostasiatischen Entwicklungsstaates zeigt eine pfadabhängige Entwicklung an. Gleichzeitig lassen sich jedoch auch Elemente des Wandels feststellen, und das Papier beschreibt diese pfadabhängige Transformation des ursprünglichen Ostasiatischen Entwicklungsstaates in einen Entwicklungsstaat der zweiten Generation.

AbstractThe increasingly acute consequences of the climate crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the energy crisis have put industrial policy back. The papers in this issue examine how different countries implement industrial policy for sustainable development from a variety of perspectives. A successful transition to sustainable development seems to require not only the mix of carrots and sticks but also a right mix of creation versus destruction, as in the case of the creation of renewable businesses and the destruction of fossil-fuel businesses. Furthermore, because institutional diversity and the risk of capture can result in very distinct economic, social, and environmental effects, consideration of heterogeneity at the country and sector levels and coordination of vested interests are essential ingredients for sustainable industrial policies, as shown by the case of industrial policy in France and the two industry cases in India. By contrast, the Amazon Fund case is indicative of the three success elements: multi-stakeholder governance, pay-for-performance funding, and non-reimbursable project financing. These three elements can be summarized as local ownership and accountable governance, provided with both carrots and sticks. The problematic case of urban development driven by the oil industry in Ghana can be criticized in terms of the lack of local ownership of the oil industry, which has led to all rents being monopolized by the absentee class. By comparison, the mixed success of cases of industrial symbiosis in Uganda is attributed to the lack of effective carrots. In sum, industrial policy for sustainable development requires handling well all three types of failure, namely, market, system, and capability failures, because it necessitates building capabilities of involved actors and coordinating actions of agents, in addition to providing optimal incentives to reflect externalities of global public goods. Overall, the shifting focus of industrial policy is consistent with the shift of the role of the state, from developmental to entrepreneurial, and finally to environmental state.

As the author sees it, all states have a role in development, but this varies widely. China is a distinctive form of state-led growth that she calls local state corporatism. The author explores the constituent elements of China's local state corporatism and shows that while the post-Mao state retains key features of the Maoist system, the decision to accomodate mandates of rapid economic development in a market context has resulted in qualitatively new variety of developmental state. (DÜI-Sen)

The study examined the mass media as means of initiating community developmental programmes in Akoko North West Local Government Area of Ondo State, Nigeria. The study adopted descriptive research design of the survey type.The sample for the study consisted of 120 respondents in Akoko North West Local Government Area of Ondo State, Nigeria. The study raised four research questions which the data were collected through questionnaire and also tested and analyzed with descriptive statistics. The findings showed that the mass media was the best platform for mobilizing people of the community for participation and also attracts government attention to communities for developmental programmes. Based on the findings of the study, it is recommended that residents' collaboration and empowerment form of participation is encouraged by NGOs and development agencies.

Why were some countries able to build "developmental states" in the decades after World War II while others were not? Through a richly detailed examination of India's experience, Locked in Place argues that the critical factor was the reaction of domestic capitalists to the state-building project. During the 1950s and 1960s, India launched an extremely ambitious and highly regarded program of state-led development. But it soon became clear that the Indian state lacked the institutional capacity to carry out rapid industrialization. Drawing on newly available archival sources, Vivek Chibber mo