Au Québec, la Loi concernant les soins de fin de vie (LSFV) est en vigueur depuis décembre 2015. Cette loi permet aux patient-e-s de demander une aide médicale à mourir et de l'obtenir lorsque certains critères légaux d'éligibilité sont rencontrés. L'objectif est de discuter des changements en éthique des soins de fin de vie induits par la LSFV. Le magistère romain et l'Assemblée des évêques catholiques du Québec ont énoncé publiquement leurs positions, alors que quelques voix chrétiennes dissidentes se sont aussi exprimées. Les tensions entre les positions magistérielles et les normativités de l'État de droit démocratique méritent réflexion, dans le contexte de la critique du cléricalisme, de nouveaux modèles ecclésiaux et d'une « dissidence respectueuse ». La problématisation par Jürgen Habermas de l'activité communicationnelle, de la tension entre factualité et validité et des risques de dissensions dans les sociétés complexes fournissent des axes théoriques utiles pour enrichir la discussion. Ni les orientations méthodologiques, ni le cadre théorique ne visent à mener une argumentation directement liée à la légitimité des pratiques médicales de la LSFV. La discussion en bioéthique interdisciplinaire et théologique évite certains pièges de la polarisation, permettant de multiplier les points de vue et les nuances. Tant d'un point de vue historique, culturel que sociologique, l'aide médicale à mourir apparaît comme un fait social. Un cadre théorique issu De l'éthique de la discussion de Jürgen Habermas structurera la discussion des enjeux pratiques: les usages de la raison pratique y sont différenciés en interrogations pragmatiques, éthiques et morales. Lorsque la posture d'écoute et d'engagement « sur le terrain » sont privilégiées, même en bioéthique théologique, il y a possibilité que l'aide médicale à mourir soit considérée comme une forme de dernier recours ou un moindre mal. Une approche heuristique de la raison pratique permet d'explorer des repères en bioéthique et notamment de déployer le consentement libre et éclairé sous l'angle du triple usage de la raison pratique. L'incertitude morale façonne la réflexion éthique et est une marque de la condition humaine. La fin de vie est une expérience singulière pour chaque personne dont la visée est la « bonne mort ». Des thématiques en bioéthique interdisciplinaire et théologique émergent : la narrativité et l'accompagnement, la mort tragique du Christ, la « post-autonomie », l'autonomie relationnelle, des approches féministes en bioéthique, des bonnes pratiques de communication, etc. ; Quebec's Act Respecting End-of-Life Care has been in force since December 2015. The law opens up the possibility for patients to request aid in dying and access medical assistance in dying when the legal criteria of eligibility are met. The objective is to discuss the changes in end-of-life care induced by the Act. The magisterium of the Roman Catholic Church and the Assembly of Quebec Catholic Bishops have publicly stated their positions, although there have been dissenting voices in the Christian community. Tensions between magisterial positions and democratic normativities deserve reflection, in the context of a critique of clericalism, new ecclesial models and « respectful dissent ». The problematization by Jürgen Habermas of communicative action, tensions between facticity and validity, and the risks of dissensions in a complex society, provide useful theoretical axes for enriching the discussion. Neither the methodological orientations nor the theoretical framework are intended to lead to an argument directly related to the legitimacy of the medical practices of the Act. Discussion in interdisciplinary and theological bioethics can avoid a few pitfalls of polarization, by admitting multiple points of view and nuances. Both a historical, cultural and sociological reading makes medical assistance in dying appear as a social fact. A theoretical framework from Habermas' Discourse Ethics will structure the discussion of practical issues: the uses of practical reason are differentiated into pragmatic, ethical and moral questions. When the posture of listening and engagement « on the ground » is favoured, even in theological bioethics, there is apossibility that medical assistance in dying could be considered as a latter resort or a lesser evil. A heuristic approach to practical reason allows us to explore benchmarks in bioethics and to deploy, in particular, free and informed consent in terms of pragmatic, ethical and moral uses of practical reason. Moral uncertainty shapes ethical reflection and is a mark of the human condition. The end of life is a singular experience for each person whose aim is the « good death ». Themes in interdisciplinary and theological bioethics are emerging: narrativity and support, the tragic death of Christ, « post-autonomy », relational autonomy, feminist approaches in bioethics, good communication practices, etc.
AbstractThis paper analyzes the transformations induced by Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in the extractive sector, through an ethnographic study of villages neighboring an oil-drilling site in the Peruvian Amazon. It examines the materialization of a specific CSR device—the communal enterprise—which involves the majority of village members in the extractive industry as workers, owners, and managers of a subcontractor that provides services to the oil company. The paper highlights the importance of work and socialization to assess the transformative power of this original CSR device. After an opening section on how to study extractive governmentality "at work," the paper presents a genealogy of the communal enterprise. It then examines how communal enterprises tend to transform indigenous inhabitants into workers and entrepreneurs and thereby impact the everyday organization of the entire community. By examining the ways residents adopt these social technologies, the paper shows how the partial normalization of individual bodies and collective organization induced by CSR technologies is an ambivalent mix resulting from a process of mutual appropriation between the industrial milieu and the villages. In doing so, it contributes to governmentality studies related to extractive capitalism, corporate strategies for disciplining dissent, and the social transformations they generate locally.Cet article analyse les transformations induites par la Responsabilité sociétale des entreprises (RSE) dans le secteur de l'extraction par le biais d'une étude ethnographique des villages voisins d'un site de forage pétrolier d'Amazonie péruvienne. Il examine la matérialisation d'un dispositif de RSE spécifique : une entreprise communautaire qui implique la majorité des villageois dans l'industrie de l'extraction en tant que travailleurs, propriétaires et gérants d'un sous-traitant fournissant des services à la compagnie pétrolière. Cet article souligne l'importance du travail et de la socialisation pour évaluer le pouvoir de transformation de ce dispositif de RSE original. Après une section introductive portant sur la façon d'étudier la gouvernementalité de l'extraction « au travail », cet article présente une généalogie de l'entreprise communautaire. Il examine ensuite la manière dont les entreprises communautaires tendent à transformer les habitants indigènes en travailleurs et en entrepreneurs et ainsi à impacter l'organisation quotidienne de l'ensemble de la communauté. Cet article montre en quoi la normalisation partielle des corps individuels et de l'organisation collective induite par les techniques de RSE est un mélange ambivalent résultant d'un processus d'appropriation mutuelle entre le milieu industriel et les villages en examinant la façon dont les habitants adoptent ces techniques sociales. Ce faisant, il contribue aux études de gouvernementalité liées au capitalisme de l'extraction, aux stratégies mises en œuvre par les entreprises pour discipliner la dissidence et aux transformations sociales qu'elles génèrent localement.En este artículo se analizan las transformaciones impulsadas por la responsabilidad social corporativa (RSC) en el sector de la extracción mediante un estudio etnográfico de las aldeas que se encuentran cerca de un sitio de extracción de petróleo en la Amazonía peruana. También se examina la materialización de un método específico de RSC, la empresa comunal, en la que la mayoría de los miembros de la aldea participan en la industria como trabajadores, propietarios y administradores de un subcontratista que presta servicios a la compañía petrolera. Además, se destaca la importancia del trabajo y la socialización para evaluar el poder de transformación de este método original de RSC. Después de la primera sección, donde se explica cómo estudiar la gobernabilidad extractiva ``en el trabajo'', en el artículo se presenta una genealogía de la empresa comunal. En esta se explora la forma en la que las empresas comunales suelen transformar a los habitantes autóctonos en trabajadores y emprendedores y, por lo tanto, modifican la organización establecida de toda la comunidad. Al analizar las formas en las que los residentes adoptan estas tecnologías sociales, en el artículo se muestra cómo la normalización parcial de los cuerpos individuales y de la organización colectiva producida por las tecnologías de RSC es una mezcla ambivalente que se produce como consecuencia de un proceso de apropiación mutua entre el entorno industrial y las aldeas. Este análisis contribuye a los estudios de gobernabilidad relacionados con el capitalismo extractivo, las estrategias corporativas para disciplinar la disidencia y las transformaciones sociales que generan a nivel local.
Las masacres ocurridas en las jurisdicciones de Segovia y Remedios ubicados en el Nordeste de Antioquia, es el resultado de una violencia persistente en Colombia desde hace más de medio siglo, una lucha de poderes sesgada por el odio y la ideología política, una violencia que aún no acaba. Impulsada por la censura a las disidencias por considerarlas en ése contexto de tiempo como aliadas de los grupos armados, en el marco no solo regional sino también nacional, aunado a la oposición de la apertura política que subyace del gobierno de Belisario Betancur"1, influenciaron de manera directa en la estigmatización de la política de izquierda y de sus militantes, comparados con los de una militancia subversiva y armada, seguido por actos de violencia desarrollados con el único fin de crear miedo y terror a la población, ésta es una forma de dominio bajo la fuerza, es por eso que se expresa que la violencia en Colombia es una violencia generalmente organizada y sistemática, dirigida máxime contra la población civil, generando así un estado de inseguridad e inestabilidad social, y como producto deja grandes perjuicios a la población, que aunado a la difícil condición económica por la cual atraviesa el país, ha imposibilitado la implementación y desarrollo de políticas de reparación eficaces y eficientes para lograr así una indemnización integral en relación a las víctimas del conflicto armado. Ahora bien, dentro del concepto de responsabilidad extracontractual del Estado, derivado de los actos terroristas perpetrados en los municipios de Segovia y Remedios/Antioquia, es de gran relevancia indicar cuales son los regímenes de responsabilidad patrimonial existentes en Colombia y por ende abordar ésta temática que ha sido objeto de grandes debates jurídicos basados en argumentos constitucionales y jurisprudenciales, por cuanto en el desarrollo de ésta tesis de grado se cuestionará de la existencia o no de responsabilidad del Estado frente a los perjuicios ocasionados en ocasión al conflicto armado2 y de la repercusión que tiene está en cuanto a la vida en relación a la persona, de la existencia de daño material y de daño inmaterial. Según lo preceptuado en la Constitución Política de 1991 en su artículo 90 y de las jurisprudencias emanadas por el Consejo de Estado. ; The massacres that occurred in the jurisdictions of Segovia and Remedios located in the Northeast of Antioquia, is the result of persistent violence in Colombia for more than half a century, a power struggle biased by hatred and political ideology, a violence that still it does not end Driven by the censorship of dissidences, considering them in this context of time as allies of the armed groups, in the framework not only regional but also national, combined with the opposition of the political opening that underlies the government of Belisario Betancur "1, influenced Directly in the stigmatization of the politics of the left and its militants, compared with those of a subversive and armed militancy, followed by acts of violence developed with the sole purpose of creating fear and terror of the population, this is a form of domination under the force, that is why it is expressed that the violence in Colombia is a generally organized and systematic violence, directed especially against the civilian population, generating a state of insecurity and social instability, and as a product it leaves great damage to the population , which together with the difficult economic condition that the country is going through, has made the implementation and development of effective and efficient reparation policies to achieve a comprehensive compensation in relation to the victims of the armed conflict. Now, within the concept of extracontractual responsibility of the State, derived from the terrorist acts perpetrated in the municipalities of Segovia and Remedios / Antioquia, it is very important to indicate which are the regimes of patrimonial responsibility existing in Colombia and therefore to address this thematic that has been the object of great legal debates based on constitutional and jurisprudential arguments, since the development of this thesis will question the existence or not of responsibility of the State in the face of the damages caused during the armed conflict2 and the repercussion that It has is in regard to life in relation to the person, the existence of material damage and non-pecuniary damage. As stipulated in the Political Constitution of 1991 in its Article 90 and the jurisprudences emanated by the Council of State.
In 1966, under the patronage of the Cuban Communist Party, the first official poets of the Cuban Revolution founded a journal entitled The Bearded Caiman. This 'beard' was a reference to the beards often maintained by former Revolutionary fighters in remembrance of combat, which had become a revolutionary insignia which merged masculine identity with political identity. Starting in 1966, these young, smooth-faced poets brandished their discursive beards as one would have displayed a red star. Yet, to what extent did their virile displays amount to political displays? How was the "new man", ushered in by political leaders, supposed to articulate gender and political commitment? And how should excessive, borderline parodic gender performances in these texts be interpreted? To answer these questions, we must first examine the political and gendered dictates weighing on the official poets, as well as on the whole literary field. We must thus consider their gender performance, in their texts and in their social performances, as the deliberate casting of a doubt over their political commitment. Could the object of the parody be the revolutionary subject rather than the gendered subject?
Este trabajo de investigación ha tenido como guía los siguientes objetivos: en primer lugar se ha intentado demostrar que solamente en los Estados democráticos se puede hablar de la desobediencia civil como forma principal de disidencia. También se ha pretendido indagar sobre el origen y la idea de ciudadano, como sujeto de derechos, en las teorías políticas de la modernidad. Se ha procurado analizar el concepto de desobediencia civil en las principales teorías de autores actuales como Rawls, Habermas y Dworkin. Y así, partiendo de estas, tratar sobre la justificación de la desobediencia civil en el ámbito moral, jurídico y político. Finalmente el estudio de los casos prácticos, sin pretensiones de exhaustividad, se ha abordado con la intención de aclarar algunos errores sobre el fenómeno de la desobediencia civil y mostrar la diversidad de la acción, insertada en un contexto histórico determinado. La metodología empleada para un primer acercamiento al tema de la desobediencia civil se ha basado en la lectura de textos originales de los autores: libros, artículos, entrevistas etc. Con esto se ha pretendido obtener una primera opinión libre de prejuicios. Una vez anotadas las reflexiones sobre estas lecturas, se ha pasado a ampliar ideas a partir de textos relacionados con la temática en otros autores, intentando analizar, tanto aquellos que pudieran apoyar los objetivos propuestos, como otros que defienden opiniones contrarias. Debemos señalar que la gran mayoría de los textos consultados, aun no habiendo sido citados, han sido de gran utilidad para obtener una visión más amplia sobre el tema y que, en ocasiones, han servido para modificar la primera opinión que se tenía sobre el mismo, encauzando el curso de la investigación. Son varias las conclusiones a las que hemos llegado; la primera, basándonos tanto en las teoría como en la práctica, sería que la desobediencia civil es una forma de protesta propia de los Estados democráticos ya que los presupuestos que definen la propia acción coinciden con los de dichos Estados. La segunda es que, solamente cuando los hombres se consideran parte del sistema de poder, se encuentran en situación de actuar para conseguir un presente mejor. La tercera incide sobre la dificultad e inconveniencia de justificar la desobediencia en el ámbito jurídico, en tanto que, en el moral y el político son frecuentes los argumentos a favor de tal justificación. La cuarta y última pasa por aceptar que la sinergia entre las teorías sobre la desobediencia civil y la práctica de la misma enriquecen a ambos ámbitos, a la vez que generan nuevas formas de acción política. This research has been firstly aimed at proving that only in democratic states civil disobedience can be considered as the main form of dissidence. Furthermore, we have tried to investigate about the origin and the idea of the citizen, as subject of rights, through modern political theories. The concept of civil disobedience has been analyzed within the main theories by current authors such as Rawls, Habermas and Dworkin. Thus, from these premises, we will deal with the justification of civil disobedience in the moral, legal and political field. Finally, the study of practical cases, without claiming completeness, has been raised aiming at clarifying some mistakes about the phenomenon of civil disobedience, and at showing the diversity of actions inserted in a certain historical context. The methodology used for a first introduction to the topic of civil disobedience has been based on the reading of original sources: books, articles, interviews. In doing so, our attempt has been to elicit an initial opinion free of prejudices. Once notes of the reflections about these readings have been taken, we have broadened the ideas from other authors' texts also related to the topic by means of analyzing not only those who could support the established targets but also others who defend views to the contrary. It must be pointed out that most of the texts consulted, not having yet been quoted, have been very valuable for the achievement of a wider vision about the topic and, occasionally, have been used to alter the initial opinion about it, guiding the research . We have reached several conclusions. Firstly, based on both theory and practice, civil disobedience is a form of protest found in democratic States since the presuppositions that define the action itself coincide with the ones in the States previously mentioned. Secondly, only when men consider themselves as part of the power system, they are able to act so that they can achieve a better present situation. Thirdly, the difficulty and inconvenience of justifying disobedience in legal fields, bearing in mind that arguments in favour of such a justification are frequently found. Fourthly, it is accepted that the synergy between the theories on civil disobedience and the practice of it enrich both fields, and at the same time new forms of political action are created.
In the current literature on Britain and Ireland during the First World War there is a significant gap concerning public responses to the outbreak throughout the autumn of 1914. My project rectifies this situation by being the first systematic analysis of British and Irish public opinion at the outbreak of the Great War. The first aim of the thesis is to replace simplistic accounts of war enthusiasm by a more nuanced and complex picture of popular sentiment in Britain and Ireland. The second is to integrate Ireland into a UK-wide study of the First World War. This thesis takes a chronological, analytical and thematic approach to the outbreak of war in 1914. Chapter One details feelings of tension in the lead-up to the announcement of war on 4th August and follows the chaos and disruption that followed during the first few weeks of the conflict. Chapters Two to Four examine three dominant themes in detail- the national cause, perceptions of the enemy, and encounters with violence, both real and imagined. Chapter Five looks closely at the importance of volunteerism in the British experience of ?entering? war, and, in particular, questions whether enlistment to the army was indicative of enthusiasm for war. Although Wales and Scotland are integrated into the thematic, regional and chronological analysis of the previous chapters, Chapter Six is dedicated solely to Ireland owing to the uniqueness of her political situation in 1914. Ireland was both divided internally over Home Rule and at odds with Britain. How united was the United Kingdom following the outbreak of war? Chapter Seven looks at the United Kingdom as a whole between September and December 1914 establishing to what extent British and irish people ?settled? into war. Going ?below? generalised national histories, my project places equal weight on ?national? and regional reactions to the outbreak of war. I have constructed the national picture using such sources as The Times and other major national newspapers, memoirs and papers of contemporary political figures, parliamentary debates and external eyewitnesses such as foreign diplomats. This research allowed me to build up an impression of responses, such as anti-German riots, fears of invasion, popular myths about the war, food hoarding, alien arrests, patriotic demonstrations and dissent. However, the national perspective has not subsumed local reactions. Comparison means selection, and I have therefore chosen a variety of regions to study, based on geographical position, demography and comparative potential. My comparison encompasses not just parts of England but also Scotland, Wales and Ireland (north and south) so that I am able to draw conclusions at the level of the United Kingdom as a whole. Within England I have chosen to compare Essex, Devon, Lancashire, London and the West Midlands. Essex was selected for investigation as it was on the ?front? of the British home front in 1914 and was compared with Devon, another rural county. Lancashire and the West Midlands were selected as major urban industrial centres of the United Kingdom in 1914. London, as capital, was selected in order to provide a sense of reactions to the war at a ?national? level. I approached each ?zone? in a similar way. The thematic grid that I established at the national level was placed over local sources, such as diaries, letters, committee minutes, cartoons, photographs, oral recollections, memoirs and newspapers. This allowed me to compare national and regional reactions and also to compare different regional reactions. This thesis makes two fundamental conclusions. Firstly, it demonstrates that describing the reactions of over 40 million British and Irish people to the outbreak of war in 1914 as either enthusiastic in the British case or disengaged in the Irish is over-simplified and inadequate. A society as complex as the United Kingdom in the Edwardian era did not have a single, uniform reaction to such a major event as the outbreak of European war. Emotional reactions to the war were ambiguous and complex, and changed over time. A general emotional chronology can be traced over the course of the first five months of war. Surprise at the outbreak of war on 4th August was followed by a fortnight of chaos and dislocation. However, by late August the majority of the population were beginning to understand what was involved in modern warfare. People voluntarily rallied around the national cause, purged their fears of the external German enemy by seeking scapegoats within, in the form of enemy spies and aliens, and imagined and encountered violence. By early-September most people were firmly ?inside the war?, of which they could see no end. The second conclusion derives from situating Ireland firmly within the history of the United Kingdom at war in 1914. Whilst domestic politics in Britain were suspended, just as in France and Germany, war became part of the politics of domestic peace in Ireland. Despite concerns over potential dissidence amongst Irish nationalists, following the outbreak of war the majority of Irish men and women of all political persuasions rallied around the British cause and supported the war. Any dissent amongst advanced nationalists was limited and those involved knew how constrained their position was. Therefore despite the fragility of the relationship between Britain and Ireland, Kingdom was United in 1914. ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie
Introducción, objetivos y justificación Esta tesis doctoral analiza, con perspectiva cuir y decolonial, la (re)producción de la sexualidad no normativa palestina en el cine israelí y en el cine palestino. Se centra concretamente, por un lado, en el cine israelí mainstream que se exporta a festivales LGTB internacionales y, por el otro, en la resistencia que se articula desde Palestina a estos discursos hegemónicos. Los objetivos de este texto son, por tanto: el análisis de los mecanismos fílmicos que producen la sexualidad palestina como Otra, el de los que resisten dicha producción, y el archivo y registro de los filmes que participan de estos corpus discursivos. La pertinencia y la relevancia ética, política y científica de esta investigación están justificadas por el contexto de creciente violencia racista e islamófoba, que instrumentaliza las experiencias y los discursos de las personas disidentes del género y de la sexualidad; así como por la escasez de un corpus bibliográfico que registre y explore los mecanismos fílmicos que sostienen, vehiculan, naturalizan y se resisten a la construcción colonial de la sexualidad palestina no normativa. Marcos de la investigación y metodología El marco epistemológico y teórico en el que se encuadra este trabajo lo mantiene anclado a: la producción de saberes situados y fronterizos, consciente de las relaciones de poder que se entretejen con la elaboración y difusión de conocimiento; la capacidad performativa y subversiva del discurso, único instrumento de aprehensión de la realidad; los feminismos interseccionales y cuir; y, por último, las teorías críticas acerca del orientalismo y el homonacionalismo. Concibo además el cine, hecho fílmico, como acto cinematográfico y como dispositivo discursivo, una tecnología (de género) más. El análisis fílmico desarrollado en estas páginas es una operación de producción de sentido, la transformación del espacio textual (el objeto-filme) en texto, con el objetivo de desmenuzar los mecanismos naturalizadores del discurso: cómo se fabrica la Verdad al invisibilizar, por un lado, la construcción de la imagen como representación de la realidad y, por otro, las relaciones de poder (coloniales, raciales, de género, funcionales, de clase). En contra de la idea de un abanico infinito de interpretaciones, el límite de éstas (los límites de pertinencia del texto) lo marca su sujeción a la historia y los propios límites del espacio textual fílmico. La muestra de análisis está compuesta por quince obras israelíes y once palestinas. Las primeras son cortos o largometrajes producidos y/o distribuidos con ayuda estatal que se promocionan en festivales internacionales LGTB. Las segundas son obras palestinas que resisten tanto el sistema normativo de sexo/género/deseo como las relaciones de poder coloniales, disidencias que no se articulan de forma paralela o separada, sino que se (re)producen mutuamente. Resultados y conclusiones Una de las conclusiones preliminares es que en los discursos israelíes analizados se articulan también mecanismos de resistencia, igual que en los palestinos hay rastro de normatividad y hegemonía. Aunque estos hallazgos sí sean comentados, su análisis pormenorizado sería objeto de nuevas líneas de investigación. Este trabajo, siguiendo los objetivos previamente diseñados y justificados, se centra en los mecanismos hegemónicos de los discursos israelíes y en las prácticas de resistencia de los discursos palestinos; y así es como son distribuidos los resultados y las conclusiones. Son cinco las ideas principales que circulan en los discursos hegemónicos israelíes analizados: (1) se naturaliza el proceso de fabricación de una Verdad determinada, invisibilizando las relaciones de poder en el ejercicio de la representación fímica; (2) se dibujan dicotomías maniqueas, jerarquizadas y excluyentes que producen diferencias insalvables entre los espacios imaginados de Israel y Palestina; (3) el mimetismo (que el sujeto colonizado pase por colono) es la única resolución posible del conflicto, pero su fracaso es un rasgo inherente a él; (4) el deseo y las relaciones de poder circulan entrelazadas en la mirada unidireccional de Israel a Palestina; y (5), la ausencia de Palestina en la mayoría de los filmes contribuye a la construcción de la subjetividad israelí, que se edifica sobre exclusiones con marcas nacional, étnica y de género. Respecto a los discursos palestinos de resistencia, son éstos los mecanismos principales que se inscriben en las obras analizadas: (1) desplazamiento de las narrativas hegemónicas y producción de contranarrativas, (2) hibridación de las subjetividades, cuerpos y territorios, y (3) problematización de la violencia y el poder que se entretejen con el deseo. Futuras líneas de investigación abarcarían, principalmente, la des-orientalización de la reflexión sobre el homonacionalismo, el racismo y la islamofobia, analizando los mecanismos que los (re)producen en los artefactos culturales, activismos y subjetividades de este "Occidente" imaginario, más concretamente en el sur de Europa, en el estado español, en este mismo Madrid que co-habitamos. ; Introduction, Objectives and Justification This thesis analyzes the (re)production of Palestinian non-normative sexuality in Israeli and Palestinian cinemas, from a queer and decolonial point of view. It is specifically focused, on the one hand, on the Israeli mainstream cinema that is exported to international LGBT film festivals. And, on the other hand, it focuses on the resistance that Palestine articulates in order to face those hegemonic discourses. Then, the objectives of this thesis are: the analysis of filmic mechanisms that produce Palestinian sexuality as an Other, the analysis of the ones that resist that production, and the archive and record of the films that shape this discursive corpus. The scientific, political, and ethical pertinence and relevance of this research are justified by the increase of racism and Islamophobia, which use queer experiences and discourses as a tool; as well as by the scarcity of a bibliographic body that explores the filmic mechanisms holding, vehiculating, naturalizing, and resisting the colonial construction of Palestinian non-normative sexuality. Theoretical Framework and Methodology This research is theoretically and epistemologically framed in: the production of situated and border knowledge, aware of the intertwined power relations; the performative and subversive dimension of discourse, which is the only tool for apprehending reality; intersectional and queer feminisms; and critical theories on orientalism and homonationalism. Besides, I conceive cinema, the filmic fact, as an act and a discursive dispositive: another technology (of gender). The film analysis I have developed is an operation that produces meaning, it is the transformation of textual space (the film object) into text, with the goal of scrutinizing the naturalizing mechanisms of discourse. Those mechanisms invisibilize the fact that images are not a representation but the production of reality; and they invisibilize colonial, colonial, racial, gender, and class power relations as well. Against the idea of an infinite range of interpretations, their limits (the limits of text pertinence) are set by its subjection to history and by the limits of the film's own textual space. The research sample consists of fifteen Israeli and eleven Palestinian films. The first ones are short or full-length films, produced and/or distributed with state funds, promoted in LGBT international film festivals. The second ones are Palestinian works resisting both the normative sex/gender/desire system and colonial power relations; those dissidences do not occur separately neither in parallel, but they mutually (re)produce each other. Results and Conclusions There are resistance mechanisms within analyzed Israeli discourses, as well as there are traces of normativity and hegemony within Palestinian works. Their analysis would lead to possible future lines of research. In this thesis, following the previously designed and justified objectives, I separate the conclusions based on their link to hegemonic (Israeli) discourses or resistance (Palestinian) ones. Five main ideas circulate within hegemonic discourses: (1) the process of making up a specific Truth is naturalized by invisibilizing the power relations attached to the representation practice itself (the debate about who writes and who is written); (2) they draw hierarchic and excluding dichotomies, which produce insurmountable differences between the imagined spaces of Israel and Palestine; (3) the only possible resolution of the conflict is mimicry (the colonized trying to pass as colonizer), but its failure is an integral part of it; (4) power relations and homoeroticism circulate interwoven relations within the Israeli gaze at Palestine; and (5), Palestinian absence in most of the films contributes to the production of Israeli subjectivity, built on national, ethnic and gender exclusions. According to the analyzed Palestinian discourses, the main mechanisms that show resistance are: (1) destabilizing of hegemonic narratives and production of counter-narratives; (2) hybridity of subjectivities, bodies and territories; and (3) making problematic the relations among violence, power, and eroticism. Future lines of research would mainly include the un-orientalizing of the debate about homonationalism, racism, and Islamophobia, analyzing the mechanisms that (re)produce them in the cultural works, in the activism and in the subjectivities that are located inside this imaginary "West" –southern Europe, Spain, and inside this same Madrid that we inhabit. ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Investigación en Medios de Comunicación ; Presidente: Luz Gómez García.- Secretario: Rocío Navarro Comas.- Vocal: Remedios Zafra Alcaraz
Tese de doutoramento em em Pós-colonialismos e Cidadania Global, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra ; Las actuales ciudades posmodernas se han desarrollado sobre la base de una lógica neoliberal que ha tenido graves consecuencias en términos de segregación y exclusión social. La contestación a este modelo urbano dio origen a la formulación teórica del derecho a la ciudad a finales de los años 60 (Lefebvre, 2009 [1968]). En América Latina, y especialmente en Brasil, el derecho a la ciudad se ha erigido desde finales de los 80 en una importante bandera política que ha articulado la voz de múltiples colectivos de la sociedad civil. Las movilizaciones que han tenido lugar en esta región, así como dentro del movimiento altermundialista, han contribuido a que esta narrativa arraigara también en otros países del mundo y fuera usada por un amplio abanico de actores. Como resultado de estos diferentes usos y apropiaciones (unos más emancipadores que otros), existe una notable ambigüedad conceptual en torno a este concepto, que hace necesarios ejercicios de análisis pormenorizados sobre su significado. Este trabajo persigue realizar una aportación en este sentido ahondando en la comprensión del derecho a la ciudad, no solo a partir de su formulación teórica, sino sobre todo a partir de cómo ha sido usado en el marco de luchas sociales. Uno de los principales objetivos del hecho de analizar esta noción "desde abajo" del derecho a la ciudad ha sido explorar en qué medida contribuye a dar voz a lo que se ha denominado en este trabajo los condenados de la ciudad, parafraseando a Fanon (2002 [1961]). Esta preocupación motiva la pregunta que da título al volumen: ¿Puede el derecho a la ciudad ser emancipatorio? Para responder a esta cuestión, la investigación explora de cerca la experiencia brasileña y, en particular, la que emana de la ciudad de São Paulo, donde se exploran las presencias, las ausencias y las emergencias de la articulación política del derecho a la ciudad. Para ello, se ha recurrido al método del estudio de caso alargado (Burawoy, 1991, 2009; Santos, 2009a) y a las lentes teóricas de los estudios poscoloniales, concretamente las epistemologías del Sur y la sociología de las ausencias y de las emergencias (Santos y Meneses, 2009; Santos, 2005). Para la identificación de algunas de las principales ausencias y emergencias del derecho a la ciudad, la hipótesis de trabajo manejada ha sido considerar el mundo de lo simbólico y del imaginario colectivo como espacios donde se manifiestan "vibraciones ascendentes" representativas de malestares sociales que no se articulan a través de movimientos sociales clásicos. Ante la creciente juridificación de la vida social, se ha recurrido a un tipo de racionalidad opuesta e inferiorizada: la estético-expresiva, un terreno fértil para la problematización de la realidad y para la construcción de utopías protopolíticas. En concreto, la investigación explora determinadas expresiones de arte urbano paulistano denominadas estéticas de las periferias (Leite, 2013), fundamentalmente el hip hop de protesta y la literatura periférica, que se han considerado en este trabajo como disidencias artísticas decoloniales. Su análisis ha puesto de manifiesto que uno de sus logros más destacables ha sido promover la apropiación del arte y de la cultura por parte de los colectivos que se autodefinen como "pobres, negros y periféricos". Las estéticas de las periferias se han convertido, así, en una importante herramienta política que ha contribuido a crear una ciudadanía insurgente, a través de la cual se expresan fuertes críticas a la situación de "apartheid urbano" (Santos, 2009a) vivida por estos colectivos. Ello, a su vez, ha hecho posible la gestación de un discurso de autovalorización identitaria y de memoria colectiva. Estos resultados han permitido a afirmar que el derecho a la ciudad precisa ser resignificado con la entrada de nuevos actores y de nuevas luchas para poder renovar su potencial emancipatorio. A la luz de una mirada no institucionalizante del derecho como la que aporta el "pluralismo jurídico" (Santos, 2009a), se arguye que también son una expresión del derecho a la ciudad determinados procesos sociales desde abajo que tienen como resultado la ampliación de facto del estatuto de ciudadanía. Las estéticas de las periferias constituyen un buen ejemplo de ello porque han contribuido a crear múltiples "espacios de representación" (Lefebvre, 2000), a través de los cuales los habitantes de las periferias paulistanas se han apropiado de la ciudad, resignificando estas áreas urbanas y construyendo espacios simbólicos donde es posible el florecimiento de utopías. El arte es el espacio del sueño y sin sueños no es posible desarrollar la imaginación y pensar alternativas, tan fundamentales en la lucha por la emancipación social. En suma, este trabajo defiende la necesidad de desjuridificar y descolonizar la mirada sobre el derecho a la ciudad para poder captar aquellas experiencias (como las que emanan del campo artístico-cultural decolonial) que, sin abanderar de manera explícita el derecho a la ciudad, constituyen efectivamente una expresión no normativa de él. ; As atuais cidades pósmodernas se desenvolveram com base numa lógica neoliberal que teve sérias conseqüências em termos de segregação e exclusão social. A resposta a este modelo urbano deu origem à formulação teórica do direito à cidade no final dos anos 60 (Lefebvre, 2009 [1968]). Na América Latina e especialmente no Brasil, o direito à cidade emergiu desde o final da década de 1980 como uma importante bandeira política que articulou a voz de múltiplos coletivos na sociedade civil. As mobilizações que ocorreram nesta região, bem como no movimento altermundialista, contribuíram para que essa narrativa também se enraizasse em outros países do mundo e fosse utilizada por uma ampla gama de atores. Como resultado desses diferentes usos e apropriações (alguns mais emancipatórios do que outros), existe uma notável ambigüidade conceitual em torno desse conceito, o que torna necessária a realização de exercícios analíticos detalhados sobre o seu significado. Este trabalho tem como objetivo contribuir com esse entendimento ao aprofundar na compreensão sobre o direito à cidade, não apenas a partir da sua formulação teórica, mas especialmente de como ela foi usada no contexto das lutas sociais. Um dos principais objetivos de analisar essa noção "de baixo para cima" do direito à cidade tem sido explorar até que ponto ele contribui efetivamente para dar voz ao que se denomina neste trabalho os condenados da cidade, parafraseando Fanon (2002 [1961]). Essa preocupação motiva a questão que dá título ao trabalho: pode o direito à cidade ser emancipatório? Para responder a esta pergunta, a investigação explora detalhadamente a experiência brasileira, particularmente o contexto da cidade de São Paulo, onde são exploradas as presenças, ausências e emergências da articulação política do direito à cidade. Para isso, tem-se recorrido ao método do estudo de caso alargado (Burawoy, 1991, 2009, Santos, 2009a) e as lentes teóricas dos estudos pós-coloniais, especificamente as epistemologias do Sul e a sociologia das ausências e das emergências (Santos e Meneses, 2009; Santos, 2005). Para a identificação de algumas das principais ausências e emergências do direito à cidade, a hipótese de trabalho utilizada foi considerar o mundo simbólico e do imaginário coletivo como espaços onde se manifestam "vibrações ascendentes" representativas de desconfortos sociais que não são articulados pelos movimentos sociais clássicos. Diante da crescente juridificação da vida social, utilizou-se um tipo de racionalidade inversa e inferiorizada: a estético-expressiva, um terreno fértil para a problematização da realidade e para a construção de utopias protopolíticas. Em particular, foram exploradas determinadas expressões da arte urbana de São Paulo chamadas estéticas das periferias (Leite, 2013), fundamentalmente o hip hop de protesto e a literatura periférica, que são consideradas como dissidências artísticas decoloniais neste trabalho. Sua análise mostrou que uma de suas conquistas mais destacadas tem sido a apropriação da arte e da cultura por parte dos coletivos que se autodefinem como "pobres, negros e periféricos". As estéticas das periferias tornaram-se, de esta forma, uma ferramenta política que contribui para criar uma cidadania insurgente, através da qual se expressam fortes críticas à situação de "apartheid urbano" (Santos, 2009a) vivenciada por estes grupos. Isso, por sua vez, tornou possível a gestação de um discurso identitário auto-valorizador e de uma memória coletiva. Esses resultados levaram a afirmar que o direito à cidade precisa ser resignificado a partir da inclusão de novos atores e novas lutas para que possa ser renovado seu potencial emancipatório. À luz de uma visão não institucionalizante do direito como a que é fornecida pelo "pluralismo jurídico", argumenta-se que determinados processos sociais também são uma expressão de baixo para cima do direito à cidade que resultam numa extensão de fato do estatuto de cidadania. As estéticas das periferias são um bom exemplo disso porque contribuíram para a criação de múltiplos "espaços de representação" (Lefebvre, 2000), através dos quais os habitantes das periferias de São Paulo se apropriaram da cidade, resignificando essas áreas urbanas e construindo espaços simbólicos onde florescem utopias. A arte é o espaço do sonho e sem sonhos não é possível desenvolver a imaginação e pensar sobre alternativas, tão fundamentais na luta pela emancipação social. Em suma, este trabalho defende que é necessário desjuridificar e descolonizar o olhar sobre o direito à cidade, a fim de capturar essas experiências (como as que decorrem do campo artístico-cultural decolonial) que, sem utilizar explicitamente a bandeira do direito à cidade, constituem efetivamente uma expressão não normativa do mesmo. ; Current postmodern cities have been built on the basis of a neoliberal logic with serious consequences in terms of segregation and social exclusion. The call into question of this urban model framed the theoretical underpinnings of the right to the city in the late 1960s (Lefebvre, 2009 [1968]). In Latin America, and in particular Brazil, the idea of the right to the city emerged from the late 80s as an important political banner that voiced the concerns of a multitude of civil society groups. The mobilisations that ensued in this regional context, and in the Alter-globalisation movement, enabled this narrative to take root in a number of countries and to be adopted by a large range of actors. As a result of these different uses and appropriations (some more emancipatory than others), a notable conceptual ambiguity arose round this concept, which makes it a necessary requirement to conduct a detailed analysis about its meaning. The purpose of this work is to deepen understanding of the right to the city, not only from a theoretical perspective, but especially how it has been used as an icon of some social struggles. One of the main objectives of analysing the notion of the right to the city from a "bottom-up" perspective, is to determine to which extent it has effectively contributed to provide a voice for the condemned of the city, to paraphrase Fanon (2002 [1961]). This apprehension prompted the question underpinning the title of this volume: can the right to the city be emancipatory? To answer this question, the research looks closely at the Brazilian experience, with a particular focus on the city of São Paulo, where the presences, absences and emergences of the political enunciation of the right to the city are explored. To this end, the analyses draws on the methodology of the extended case method (Burawoy, 1991, 2009, Santos, 2009a) and the theoretical lenses of post-colonial studies, specifically the epistemologies of the south, and the sociology of absences and emergences (Santos and Meneses, 2009; Santos 2005). The principal challenge of the investigation was indeed identifying some of the main absences and emergences of the right to the city. The working hypothesis has been framed in an exploration of the symbolic world and the collective imaginary as spaces that contain manifestations of "ascending vibrations", representative of social discomforts that are not expressed through conventional social movements. Against the backdrop of an increased juridification of social life, the research gave precedence to an opposite rationality which is often considered inferior: aesthetic expressive rationality- fertile ground for the problematisation of reality and the construction of proto-political utopias. In particular, some expressions of São Paulo's urban art, known as the aesthetics of the peripheries (Leite, 2013) were explored, such as protest hip-hop and peripheral literature, defined in this work as decolonial artistic dissidences. One of their greatest achievements has been the appropriation of art and culture by groups that define themselves as "poor, black and peripheral". The aesthetics of the peripheries have thus become an important political tool for the creation of an insurgent citizenship, and a means to level strong criticism against the "urban apartheid" situation experienced by these stakeholders (Santos, 2009a). This, in turn, made possible the gestation of a self-valorising identity discourse and a collective memory. These results demonstrate that the right to the city needs to be resignified by welcoming new actors and new struggles so that its emancipatory potential can be renewed. Through the lens of a non-institutionalised view of the law, provided by "legal pluralism" (Santos, 2009a), it is argued that certain "bottom-up" social processes are also an expression of the right to the city which result in a de facto extension of citizenship status. The aesthetics of the peripheries are a good example of this because they have contributed to the creation of multiple "spaces of representation" (Lefebvre, 2000), through which the inhabitants of the peripheries of São Paulo appropriated the city, resignifying these urban areas and building symbolic spaces where utopias could flourish. Art is the breathing space of dreams, and without dreams it is not possible to develop an imagination and to think about alternatives, that which is of utmost importance in the struggle for social emancipation. In short, this work argues that it is necessary to move towards a dejuridification and decolonisation of the right to the city, with the view to capture the experiences (such as those that constitute decolonial cultural-artistic expressions) that, without explicitly utilising the banner of the right to the city, effectively embody a non-normative expression of it.
In late 2019, the government headed by Alberto Fernandez and Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner created the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity, giving ministerial status to policies aimed at addressing the many demands that the feminist and LGBTIQ+ movement has historically held in Argentina. The consolidation of the demands of the different strands of the Feminist Movement in the public arena is due to its massification into two fundamental social milestones: firstly, the Ni una menos - which emerged in 2015 to demand responses to violence against women and the LGBTIQ+ community and its most serious and visible consequence, femicide and transvesticide - and the March 8 women's strike, which was consolidated as a global demand for responses to the multiple domestic and care tasks assigned to women in the name of love. Secondly, during the years 2018 and 2019, as a result of a long struggle undertaken by the National Campaign for the Legalization of Safe and Free Abortion, the great Green Tide movement was expanded and consolidated, allowing the visibility of a debate historically postponed by society as a whole: the free decision on women's bodies and the bodies with the capacity to gestate. With what has been said, we want to emphasize that it is the feminist movement that has put the demands of women and the LGBTIQ+ community on the agenda, challenging the State and society as a whole. The youth had a vital responsibility in this process, by generating support and mass support in the instances of extended interpellation. Songs, handkerchiefs, poetry, art and interventions of all kinds were part of the stage built as a pedagogy for the movement and for society in general. Within the framework of these great events, shortly after the creation of the Faculty of Social Sciences of the National University of Córdoba, the need to have a magazine linked to our professional work and to the political sense that governs the orientation of our institution: to think, learn and act in context was noted. This premise has been our guiding light to incorporate debates and generate new inclusive frameworks within the current hetero-patriarchal academic system of scientific publications. This is how journalist Marisa Kohan defines it, who, averaging the first semester of the current year -when the pandemic was declared- warned about the collapse of women and LGTBQ+ community publications. The journalist consulted editors of specialized magazines who said that not only are they the least cited in the media, but also they are forced to face their work, making it compatible with another triple responsibility, hardly shared: care, teaching and housework. Likewise, there have been from zero to few modifications in the scientific systems linked to research during the pandemic, since the reality of many of its researchers has not been contemplated, which adds to the situation of pre-existing inequity. In this way, we discuss that accompanying the feminist movement from our places of insertion implies rethinking our own practices. We thus initiated a rich debate regarding inclusive language, being one of the pioneers in incorporating it into the guidelines for authors. At first sight it seems a simple technicality but this transformation of language and its formalization in spaces of scientific popularization produces the effect that certain intentional absences emerge taking on a voice and a body of their own. As a result of these reflections, we present this issue that contains a variety of articles that address the different intersections that those of us who face our daily experience with those emerging from a heteropatriarchal macho system that is built on the basis of inequities and inequalities have. These inequalities are based on the privileges of sexual caste that heterosexuality and machismo constructed as the basis of the stereotyped binomial of man and woman, depreciating under the feminine sign everything that falls outside the hetero(cis)norma, as Kate Millet pointed out. Under this understanding, we undertook the task of cooperating to show some of the effects produced by this social configuration, contributing to its visibility and problematization, but now in a feminist key. This is how the call for issue number 7 of our magazine, entitled "Emancipatory processes: Genders, dissidences, feminisms", emerged, with the hope of cooperating with the production of those transformations capable of undermining gender inequalities. The launch of this issue finds us facing an unprecedented situation of global pandemic product of COVID-19, which prepared us to the isolation and social distancing to prevent the transmission of the virus. These measures have shown, once again, that gender violence continues to be part of a central problem that, in the face of social, preventive and obligatory isolation and alienation, intensifies its effects on all those bodies read as feminine by the heterosexist system of our society. Thus, we see every day how new feminicides are produced in different cities of Argentina, added to the worsening of the processes of feminization of poverty, causing alarming levels of obstacles to access to basic goods such as food, food and/or health. The horizon is not promising and the effort to include is insufficient. We have to go to the bone of this system to question it and transform it. From our humble place, we intend to contribute to the necessary ruptures so that the articles that we present - and that are generously proposed to us by the different authors -, are part of the transformations that our society needs. ; A fines de 2019, el gobierno presidido por Alberto Fernández y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner creó el Ministerio de las Mujeres, Géneros y Diversidad, otorgando rango ministerial a políticas destinadas a atender las numerosas demandas que históricamente el movimiento feminista y LGBTIQ+ sostuvo en Argentina. La consolidación de las demandas de las distintas vertientes del Movimiento Feminista en la arena pública se debe su masificación en dos hitos sociales fundamentales: en primer lugar, el Ni una menos —surgido en el año 2015 para exigir respuestas ante las violencias contra las mujeres y comunidad LGBTIQ+ y su consecuencia más grave y visible, el feminicidio y travesticidio— y el paro de mujeres del 8 de marzo, que se consolidó como una demanda global de respuestas frente a las múltiples tareas domésticas y de cuidado adjudicadas a las mujeres en nombre del amor. En segundo lugar, durante los años 2018 y 2019, como producto de una larga lucha emprendida por la Campaña Nacional por la legalización del Aborto Legal Seguro Y Gratuito, se amplió y consolidó el gran movimiento de la Marea Verde, que permitió visibilizar un debate históricamente postergado por la sociedad en su conjunto: la libre decisión sobre los cuerpos de las mujeres y de las corporalidades con capacidad de gestar. Con lo dicho queremos remarcar que es el movimiento feminista el actor que tensionó y puso en agenda las demandas de las mujeres y comunidad LGBTIQ+, interpelando al Estado y a la sociedad toda. Una vital responsabilidad tuvieron en este proceso, las juventudes, al generar adhesión y masividad en las instancias de interpelación ampliada. Cánticos, pañuelos, poesía, arte e intervenciones de todo tipo fueron parte del escenario construido como pedagogía para con el movimiento y para con la sociedad en general. En el marco de estos grandes acontecimientos, a poco tiempo de la creación de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, se advirtió la necesidad de contar con una revista ligada a nuestro quehacer profesional y al sentido político que rige la orientación de nuestra institución: pensar, aprender y actuar en contexto. Esta premisa ha sido nuestro faro guía para ir incorporando debates y generando nuevos marcos inclusivos dentro del sistema académico heteropatriarcal de publicaciones científicas vigente. Así lo define la periodista Marisa Kohan quien, promediando el primer semestre del año en curso —al declararse la pandemia— advirtió acerca del desplome de las publicaciones de mujeres y comunidad LGTBQ+. La periodista consultó a editores de revistas especializadas quienes refirieron que no solo son las menos citadas en los medios de comunicación, sino que además se ven obligadas a hacer frente a su trabajo, compatibilizándolo con otra triple responsabilidad, escasamente compartida: cuidados, enseñanza y tareas del hogar. Asimismo, han sido de nulas a escasas las modificaciones en los sistemas científicos ligados a la investigación durante la pandemia, ya que no se ha contemplado la realidad de muchas de sus investigadoras, lo cual se suma a la situación de inequidad preexistente. De esta manera, discutimos que acompañar al movimiento feminista desde nuestros lugares de inserción implica re-pensar nuestras propias prácticas. Iniciamos así un rico debate respecto del lenguaje inclusivo, siendo una de las revistas pioneras en incorporarlo en las directrices para autoras/es. A simple vista pareciera un simple tecnicismo pero esta transformación del lenguaje y su formalización en espacios de divulgación científica produce como efecto que ciertas ausencias intencionadas emerjan tomando voz y cuerpo propios. Como resultado de las reflexiones aludidas, presentamos este número que contiene una variedad de artículos que abordan las distintas intersecciones que tenemos quienes nos enfrentamos en nuestra experiencia cotidiana con los emergentes de un sistema machista heteropatriarcal que se construye sobre la base de inequidades y desigualdades. Estas desigualdades se asientan en los privilegios de casta sexual que la heterosexualidad y el machismo construyeron como base del binomio estereotipado de hombre y mujer, depreciando bajo el signo femenino todo aquello que cae por fuera de la hetero(cis)norma, como lo señalara Kate Millet. Bajo esta comprensión, emprendimos la tarea de cooperar para evidenciar parte de los efectos que produce esta configuración social, aportando a su visibilización y problematización, pero ahora en clave feminista. Emerge así la convocatoria del número 7 de nuestra revista, titulada "Procesos emancipatorios: Géneros, disidencias, feminismos" con la esperanza de estar cooperando con la producción de aquellas transformaciones capaces de socavar las desigualdades de género. El lanzamiento de este número nos encuentra ante una situación inédita de pandemia global producto del COVID-19, lo cual nos dispuso al aislamiento y distanciamiento social preventivo para evitar la transmisión del virus. Estas medidas han puesto en evidencia, una vez más, que la violencia de género sigue siendo parte de un problema central que, ante el distanciamiento y el aislamiento social, preventivo y obligatorio, recrudece sus efectos sobre todas aquellas corporalidades leídas como femeninas por el sistema heterosexista de nuestra sociedad. Así, vemos a diario cómo se producen nuevos feminicidios en distintas ciudades de Argentina, sumado a la agudización de los procesos de feminización de la pobreza, provocando niveles alarmantes de obstáculos para el acceso a bienes básicos como alimentos, comida y/o salud. El horizonte no es promisorio y el esfuerzo de incluir es insuficiente. Tenemos que ir al hueso de este sistema para cuestionarlo y transformarlo. Desde nuestro humilde lugar, pretendemos aportar a las necesarias rupturas para que los artículos que presentamos —y que generosamente nos son propuestos por las/os distintas/os autoras/es—, sean parte de las transformaciones que nuestra sociedad necesita. ; Em finais de 2019, o governo liderado por Alberto Fernandez e Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner criou o Ministério da Mulher, Género e Diversidade, dando estatuto ministerial a políticas destinadas a abordar as muitas exigências que o movimento feminista e LGBTIQ+ tem historicamente realizado na Argentina. A consolidação das exigências das diferentes vertentes do Movimento Feminista na arena pública deve-se à sua massificação em dois marcos sociais fundamentais: primeiro, a Ni una menos - que surgiu em 2015 para exigir respostas à violência contra as mulheres e a comunidade LGBTIQ+ e as suas consequências mais graves e visíveis, o femicídio e o travesticídio - e a greve das mulheres de 8 de Março, que se consolidou como uma exigência global de respostas às múltiplas tarefas domésticas e de cuidados atribuídas às mulheres em nome do amor. Em segundo lugar, durante os anos 2018 e 2019, como resultado de uma longa luta empreendida pela Campanha Nacional para a Legalização do Aborto Seguro e Livre, o grande movimento da Maré Verde foi alargado e consolidado, permitindo a visibilidade de um debate historicamente negligenciado pela sociedade como um todo: a livre decisão sobre os corpos das mulheres e os corpos com capacidade para gestar. Com o que foi dito, queremos sublinhar que foi o movimento feminista que colocou as exigências das mulheres e da comunidade LGBTIQ+ na ordem do dia, desafiando o Estado e a sociedade como um todo. Os jovens tinham uma responsabilidade vital neste processo, gerando apoio e apoio em massa nas instâncias de interpelação prolongada. Canções, lenços, poesia, arte e intervenções de todo o tipo fizeram parte do palco construído como pedagogia para o movimento e para a sociedade em geral.No âmbito destes grandes eventos, pouco depois da criação da Faculdade de Ciências Sociais da Universidade Nacional de Córdoba, tornou-se evidente a necessidade de uma revista ligada ao nosso trabalho profissional e ao sentido político que rege a orientação da nossa instituição: pensar, aprender e agir em contexto. Esta premissa tem sido a nossa luz orientadora para incorporar debates e gerar novos quadros inclusivos dentro do actual sistema académico hetero-patriarcal de publicações científicas. É assim que a jornalista Marisa Kohan a define, que, no primeiro semestre do ano em curso - quando a pandemia foi declarada - avisou sobre o colapso das mulheres e das publicações comunitárias LGTBQ+. O jornalista consultou os editores de revistas especializadas que disseram que não só são os menos citados nos meios de comunicação social, como também são obrigados a enfrentar o seu trabalho, tornando-o compatível com outra tríplice responsabilidade, que dificilmente é partilhada: cuidados, ensino e tarefas domésticas. Do mesmo modo, houve de zero a poucas modificações nos sistemas científicos ligados à investigação durante a pandemia, uma vez que a realidade de muitos dos seus investigadores não foi contemplada, o que contribui para a situação de iniquidade pré-existente.Desta forma, discutimos que acompanhar o movimento feminista desde os nossos locais de inserção implica repensar as nossas próprias práticas. Assim, iniciámos um rico debate sobre a linguagem inclusiva, sendo uma das revistas pioneiras em incorporá-la nas directrizes para os autores. À primeira vista parece uma simples tecnicidade, mas esta transformação da linguagem e a sua formalização em espaços de popularização científica produz como efeito que certas ausências intencionais emergem tomando a sua própria voz e corpo.Como resultado das reflexões acima mencionadas, apresentamos este número que contém uma variedade de artigos que abordam as diferentes intersecções que aqueles de nós que enfrentam a nossa experiência diária com aqueles que emergem de um sistema machista heteropatriarcal que é construído com base nas desigualdades e iniquidades têm.Estas desigualdades baseiam-se nos privilégios da casta sexual que a heterossexualidade e o machismo construíram como base do binómio estereotipado do homem e da mulher, depreciando sob o signo feminino tudo o que fica fora da hetero(cis)norma, como Kate Millet salientou. Sob este entendimento, empreendemos a tarefa de cooperar para evidenciar parte dos efeitos produzidos por esta configuração social, contribuindo para a sua visibilização e problematização, mas agora numa chave feminista. É assim que surge o apelo ao número 7 da nossa revista, intitulado "Processos emancipatórios: géneros, dissidências, feminismos", com a esperança de cooperar com a produção dessas transformações capazes de minar as desigualdades de género. O lançamento desta edição encontra-nos perante uma situação sem precedentes de produto pandémico global da COVID-19, que nos preparou para o isolamento e a prevenção do distanciamento social para evitar a transmissão do vírus. Estas medidas demonstraram mais uma vez que a violência baseada no género continua a fazer parte de um problema central que, face ao isolamento e alienação social preventiva e obrigatória, intensifica os seus efeitos em todos aqueles corpos lidos como femininos pelo sistema heterossexual da nossa sociedade. Assim, vemos diariamente como novos feminicídios são produzidos em diferentes cidades da Argentina, acrescentados ao agravamento dos processos de feminização da pobreza, causando níveis alarmantes de obstáculos ao acesso a bens básicos, tais como alimentos, alimentos e/ou saúde. O horizonte não é promissor e o esforço para incluir é insuficiente. Temos de ir até ao osso deste sistema para o questionar e transformar. Do nosso humilde lugar, pretendemos contribuir para as rupturas necessárias para que os artigos que apresentamos - e que nos são generosamente propostos pelos diferentes autores -, façam parte das transformações de que a nossa sociedade necessita.
Rosa Ricci Summary of the PHD Dissertation: Religious Nonconformity and cultural Dynamics: The Case of the Dutch Collegiants There is ample reason to engage in research around the Collegiants, a minority religious movement in the Netherlands of the 17th century. An exploration of this topic can be interesting not only for a contribution to the history of Religion but also to understand the development of some central concept in the early modernity. Prominent, in this research, is the question that initially stirred my personal interest in the Collegiantism; i.e. to define and understand the religious and cultural background that represents the practical field of confrontation of Baruch Spinoza\''s philosophy. This historiographical question had the purpose of highlighting the relationship between Spinoza and the religious movements of his time in order to fully understand the public to whom he addressed his texts. Collegiants, however, constitute an interesting field of research not only for the study of Spinoza, but widely to understand the cultural and social dynamic of the Dutch Golden Age, a backdrop against which emerged a new idea of religion. This dissertation is not exploring a curiosity or an inconsistent exception in the history of the 17th century, but rather the centrality of a group that was influenced by and largely influenced its Dutch social, political and religious context. One of the major problems in capturing the significance of the Collegiants arises from the difficulty in defining this movement, which chose never to formulate a confession of faith and consciously refused to be classified within a specific Church, sect, or congregation. The name, Collegiants, was not the consequence of an active choice but a label that arose, together with that of Rijnsburgers, in the polemic pamphlets of the epoch. The difficulties to define such elusive religious group make, however, the Collegiants a fascinating field of research. In this dissertation the Collegaints are termed a "movement" in order to emphasize their explicit lacks of norms or model and to highlight the continual change and redefinition of their religious identity. This process can be properly defined using Deleuze\''s concept of becoming minorities: Les minorités et les majorités ne se distinguent pas par le nombre. Une minorité peut être plus nombreuse qu\''une majorité. Ce qui définit la majorité, c\''est un modèle auquel il faut être conforme [.] Tandis qu\''une minorité n\''a pas de modèle, c\''est un devenir, un processus [.] Quand une minorité se crée des modèles, c\''est parce qu\''elle veut devenir majoritaire, et c\''est sans doute inévitable pour sa survie ou son salut. This definition can help us to see both the positive and the productive side of the Collegiant movement, even thought it defined itself negatively in order to protest against the institutional Church and normative religion. The Collegiants were involved in this process of "devenir minoritaire" in a highly conscious way. They decided willfully to avoid strict affiliation to Churches or congregations and criticized explicitly the necessity of an identitarian definition. It can hardly be denied, indeed, that the religious reflection of the Collegiants was characterized by the conscientious refusal to construct a model or a norm to which they could refer. In this dissertation the term "minority" will therefore be used, always in reference to this concept, without drawing too much stress to the effective number of the Collegiants\'' members. This question appear, indeed, misleading because it does not take into account the position that Collegiants\'' member occupied in the economic, political and intellectual life of the United Provinces. It is the case of a group which, indeed, demonstrated in several occasions its deep influence in the Dutch religious life. Collegiants\'' continuous efforts towards de-institutionalization and their aspiration to an egalitarian and democratic religious life have to be conceived as an invitation to their coeval confessions, to undertake the way of evolving minorities renouncing whichever exclusivity and authority. The articulation of the Collegiants\'' proposal can be appreciated by studying the different lines of thought that emerged clearly from their texts. Most of Collegiants\'' publications were polemical or written to answer specific accusations. Within the enormous number of sources that can be included in Collegiants\'' works emerge a limited number of arguments. The question of religious organization, tolerance, freedom of speech and the epistemological approach in reading the Scriptures; these arguments can be taken as guidelines to understanding and defining the nature of the movement. These sources present arguments and concepts that we can take to be the Collegiants\'' stance on religious life and belief. Some arguments, however, emerged with particularly force because of the sanction of the Church orthodoxy. Tolerance, free-prophecy and egalitarian and anti-authoritarian tendencies were sensitive points to which the Church or Congregations reacted with particularly vehemence, sensing a threat to their institutional power. The Chapter 5 of this dissertation are dedicated to the enumeration of these arguments. Each chapter presents a specific theoretical core and question. However the chapters are not self-conclusive because the various problematics encountered in the study of Collegiants overlap each other in continuous cross-reference and this gives rise to a kaleidoscopic effect. The concepts debated in this dissertation can be fully understood only in relation to each other, as they emerge to construct a semantic constellation useful to their contextualization. Each chapter, furthermore, comes to focus on one or more texts that are considered exemplary or representative of a particular tendency in the Collegiants´history. This methodology wants to underline how the constant redefinition of the Collegiants\'' identity is always a matter of personal as well as collective choice, of internal debate and external polemic. An emphasis on the intentionality of Collegiants\'' behaviour is particularly important in understanding which specific choice they made to contrast the authoritarian and exclusive vision of the religious life. These choices are well reflected in the use of a specific vocabulary and in the emergence of specific concepts that can be considered as key guideline to identifying some stable points in the shifting nature of the Collegiants. The first chapter of this dissertation delineates an initial general history of the movement together with the ground on which the Collegiants built their vision of belief: the question about Church organization. The chapter refers directly to the practical organization of the Collegiant movement, an egalitarian and anti-charismatic religious life which involved considerations of power and identity. This specific position, with its high level of nonexclusivity and anticharismatic consciousness, makes Collegiants movement an exception in the pluralist world of 17th century Holland and marked their difference to the constellation of Dutch reformation. Although some Collegiants\'' demeanor mirrored the progressive individualization of cults and beliefs, they accorded central importance to the community, the context in which their religious ideal of confrontation and discussion was realized. The first attempt to write an exhaustive history of the rise and development of the Rijnsburgers was made by a Remonstrant preacher, Paschier de Fijne. He was the first opponent of the Collegiants; his book, Kort, waerachtigh, en getrouw Varhael van het eerste Begin en Opkomen van de Nieuwe Sekte der Propheten ofte Rynsburgers in het dorp Warmont anno 1619 en 1620 (Brief, truthful, and faithful history of the beginning and origin of the new sect of the Prophet of Rijnsburg in the village of Warmont), published anonymously in 1671 by his son, expresses his critical position vis à vis the Rijnsburgers. Besides representing the first opposition to the Collegiants, this work constitutes an important source because the author attended the first Collegiant\'' assembly (the Rijnsburgers\'' vergadering). In particular it describes the way in which this first meeting took place. For the first complete history of the Collegiant movement, however, we have to wait until 1775 when the Histoire der Rijnburgsche Vergadering (History of Rijnsburg\''s assembly), written by the Collegiant Elias van Nijmegen, appeared in Rotterdam. Both these sources are key instruments for reconstructing and understanding how Collegiants organized their assemblies, and how they achieved an acharismatic meeting, through debate and free-exegesis. These testimonies, which embrace a whole century, have, however, the demerit of representing the Collegiant\'' vergadering (assembly) as an eccentric but defined ritual. What emerges, on the other hand, from Collegiants internal debate is that the conduct of the meeting supper, the organization of religious life, the definition of free-exegesis and the limitation of free speech were all subject to constant argument and discussion inside the movement. These concerns emerge in a fragmentary way in the manifold sources that discuss the nature of free-prophecy, tolerance and ecclesiology. In the polemic with Bredenburg, the Bredenburgse twisten, the debate about tolerance involved the discussion of women's role in the vergadering and the reflections on free-prophecy indirectly interrogate the charismatic nature of the organization. Another important characteristic of the Collegiant\'' movement, delineate in the first chapter, is the autonomous and independent development of the single collegia. City autonomy and the different religious and social contexts in which the Rijnsburger vergadering took root led to large-scale differentiation. The capacity of Collegiants to survive for more than a century with their refusal of normativity and authoritarian organization was substantially due to the penetration of the Collegiants\'' arguments into the different confessions. This deep influence, in particular in the Mennonite and Remonstrant communities, defined the nature of the Collegiants, especially in some cities, as a stream inside institutionalized Churches. Because the collegia were open to all Christians, without limitation, even including Socinians and Catholics, most of the participants were also members of structured Churches, congregations or sects. In Amsterdam this phenomenon was particularly evident and the penetration of Collegiants\'' argument in the Flemish community through Galenus Abrahamsz led to one of the most important schisms in the Mennonite history in the United Provinces. In other cities such as Leiden or Haarlem, the existence of cultural circles and other forms of nonreligious association constituted the basis for the spread of Collegiantism. It was only in Rijnsburg, the village in which the movement first emerged, that a common house was built, after 1640, to host the twice yearly Collegiant national vergadering. The practical organization of the Collegiants, as has been stated, represents the foundation on which noncharismatic ecclesiology and anticonfessional ideals were constructed. With the historical background of the first chapter it is then possible to discuss the main religious and political tendencies inside the movement. The second chapter of this dissertation, following the issue of religious organization discussed in the first chapter, deals with the principles of free-prophecy, Biblical exegesis, and Collegiants ecclesiology. The central concept examined in this chapter is nonconformity analysed in its historical development of England and the Netherlands. This chapter suggests that nonconformity as religious phenomenon was an elaboration and transformation of the anti-confessional and anti-clerical thought that emerged in the 16th century with the radical Reformation. The inception of nonconformity in the Netherlands is indicated by the transformation of the debate about Nicodemism, following Coornhert\''s defense of religious dissimulation and indifferentism. Nicodemism was indeed considered, in the early 16th century, as necessary behavior to avoid pointless martyrdom and persecution, utilized especially by the crypto-reformed in Catholic countries such as Italy and Spain. The diffusion of this conduct among Catholics in reformed countries but, principally, the diffusion and justification of Nicodemism in the United Provinces, where inquisitorial control and confessional repression presented a relative risk after the revolt against Spain, testify of the new meaning that this behaviour took on in the late 16th century. Nicodemism, as Coornhert\''s position shows, became the justification of anticonfessionalism as conscious behaviour, with the possibility of openly criticizing rituals and ceremonies as for achieving salvation. In this chapter particular attention is paid to the consciousness and the open dimension of this behavior. The neglect of dissimulation and the necessity of making public personal religious sentiments, is one of the basic elements in the change between Nicodemism and nonconformity. The nonconformists acquired the anticonfessional and anticlerical content of Nicodemism, but added a principal characteristic: the veridiction. The veridiction represents the necessity of telling the truth about personal belief and religious conscience, but also institutes the core of reality in the conformity between internal belief and external behavior. These elements were present in both English and Dutch nonconformity, which developed, however, into different and sometimes opposite ecclesiology. In the English case, external nonconformity to the dominant Church and the necessity of openly showing belief led to a demand for exclusivity and a process of individualization rooted in the juridical meaning of nonconformity. Despite the turning of the debate around the necessity of free-conscience, the understanding of nonconformity as a refusal of secular world and the attempt of Baxter to disconnect the debate around nonconformity to a juridical question, the English debate never developed into a criticism of the Church\''s organization or in the necessity of a democratization of the religious life, which was, on the contrary, dominant among the Collegiants. The central text in the history of Collegiantism and in the Dutch definition of nonconformity is Galenus Abrahamsz and David Spruyt\''s XIX Artikelen. This text was conceived, from the very beginning, as a collective discussion about the nature and the sense of a religious community in the absence of Holy Gifts. Collegiants give to the term nonconformity a specific meaning which designates the absence of conformity to the first apostolic Church and the end of the extraordinaries gifts of the Holy Spirit. This radical statement caused a reaction among the orthodox members of the Mennonites and Quakers, which see in the absence of Holy inspiration a complete secularization of the religious community. Nonconformity assumed therefore for the Collegiants a double meaning: on one side it was an elaboration of anticonfessional criticism through the statement of the absence of holy influence on the religious life, on another side it represented a deep criticism of priestly authority conceived as a secularized power acting as constraint of consciences. The absence of Holy Gifts was, for the Collegiants, the demonstration that no Church or Congregation could pretend to be the true or original one. The reaction of Dutch orthodoxy appears, indeed, completely justified, because Collegiants\'' religious nonconformity presents itself not only as conscious antiauthoritarian criticism but also as a statement of the full secularization of the Church. Nonconformity was, for Abrahamsz and Spruyt, not only an unavoidable state, but also a necessary behavior to unmask the inauthentic religious life. This position represented the core of Collegiants\'' practice, the reason for their continuous redefinition and, on the same level, for their refusal of any type of identification. The recognition of the secularized status of common religious life arose among the Collegiants accompanied by an ample debate about free-prophecy and Bible exegesis, stressing the possibility of an individual form of salvation. A central role, in this direction, was played by reflection on the veridiction as a form of conformity between the inward conscience and the external behavior. Although there emerged from the sources a controversial statement about how to approach and read the Scriptures, through the free-prophecy the Collegiants organized a form of collective exegesis that had its principal aim to avoid charismatic and authoritarian leadership but also to realize a form of community close to the first apostolic Church. The communitarian discussion also involved a debate on salvation, which had no more to be tied to the simple membership in a confession but developed as an articulated discussion on the significance of the ethical and religious life. A good Christian had to reinterpret and bring alive the first teaching of the Gospel, which can be summarized as love for others and in the propagation of tolerance as ethical and interpersonal behavior. Collegiants\'' reflections on religious life, organization of communities, and their continuous effort to maintain equal relations in the absence of charismatic gifts in the Church institution, never turn to consideration of society or political forms. This absence was even more significant in a cultural and social context in which theological questions involved directly or indirectly political questions. In the same period, furthermore, Hobbes\'' reflections on jusnaturalism challenge for the first time the divine legitimacy of political power, establishing the basis of a new vision of the political community. Collegiants understood religious community as deprived from any form of divine inspiration and conceived it as a human association, nevertheless they never outline a political parallelism to this situation. The most evident reason of this absence is probably the lack of a strong monarchy in the 17th century United Provinces. However the relationship between secular and religious ideology did not fail and was well summarized by the situation after the Synod of Dordrecht, which created a rupture in Dutch society with the consequent convergence of the religious position with the political one. The intervention of Grotius in favor of the Arminian party testified to a clear identification between theological opposition to predestination (which meant a challenge to Calvinist orthodoxy) and antimonarchical opinion. This fracture remained invisible in Collegiants sources that debated the secularization of Churches and consider religious congregations as human institutions, but never tried to define the legitimacy of political institutions. It is possible, however, to find in the history of the Collegiants one significant exception: Cornelius Plockhoy\''s attempt to promote a religious-social project in the Dutch colonies of Delaware . Plockhoy\''s work illuminates the relationship and the fruitful parallels that it is possible to make between the United Provinces and England, especially during the time of the Cromwellian Commonwealth. Plockhoy\''s most significant works were written, indeed, in England, some years before the fail of Cromwell, and testify to a particular social and political engagement in the construction and definition of a community with a religious basis. It is interesting to note that only after the English experience did Plockhoy returned to Holland, following the end of the Commonwealth, to propose a similar project to the city of Amsterdam. This chapter suggests an analysis of his English and Dutch sources, stressing the differences and the modifications to his proposal. The importance of this author lies in the possibility of deducing from his position a possible Collegiant\'' thinking on politics and social organization. This contribution is certainly not descriptive of Collegiantism as a whole but represents the only explicit trace of the modification of Rijnsburger\''s religious reflections on the secular field. The description of Plockhoy\''s community in many respects echoes a certain irenicism sourced form the reading of Rosicrucian text; however it reflets and refers principally to his Collegiant experience . Although Plockhoy\''s account of the community project is never exclusively religious, the confessional element appears as prominently in both his Dutch and English projects. His religious and political project emerge clearly from his letters to Cromwell: it is essentially devoted to resolving the problem of religious conflict and the disturbance of social peace. It is, indeed, clear that Plockhoy\''s aim was not that of describing an ideal society or forming a separate community in order to conserve a purist religious ideal, but to propose a paradigmatic alternative to the religious turmoil and the social injustices of his time. The relation between political and religious arguments in Plockhoy\''s solution to religious turmoil highlights the interconnection between religious tolerance and colonial criticism, social injustice and authoritarianism. Plockhoy\''s meticulous pedagogic description of his project, his underlining of the necessity of economic independence for women and the possibility of them participating in collective work are expressions of an outlook that includes an aware judgment of his contemporary society. The last part of this chapter is dedicated to criticizes two approaches dominant in the literature about Plockhoy: one is the description of his project as a classical form of Utopia the other one is the reading of the Delaware religious community interpreted as a triumph of the work ethic. The third chapter of this dissertation deals with the tolerance, a fundamental and central concept to understand the nature of the Collegiants. It is our intention to show how during the 17th century there emerged in the Netherlands, in the religious context, a new concept of tolerance inspired by Castellio\''s works. The publication and translation, in the first half of the 17th century, of some of Castellio\''s work testify to the major interest that the French author had in the United Provinces, especially for the oppositors to the intolerant and orthodox Calvinist tradition. For the Collegiants, Castellio represented a predecessor in the struggle for religious peace. His work against the persecution of the heretics, supported by Biblical argumentation, represented a constant source of inspiration for the partisan of religious toleration. As suggested by Voogt , Castellio\''s deconstruction of the concept of heresy, as it was used by the Calvinist orthodoxy, in order to redefined it to signify a person who acts and believes differently from the mainstream, represented Collegiants\'' basis to rethink the concepts of rationality and truth. The peculiarity of the Dutch concept of vedraagzaamheid (tolerance), in opposition to how tolerance was defined and discussed in the European mainstream debate, was certainly due to the elements of reciprocity and mutuality that this particular form of tolerance included. In the 17th century, tolerance (especially religious tolerance) was used to label negative behavior, to identify indifferentism or libertinism, intolerance was, on the contrary, a sign of unity, integrity, and orthodoxy. Furthermore, arguments for religious intolerance were justified by the biblical example of the Mosaic theocracy, while religious tolerance represented the interests of the emerging mercantile elite, which supported the Republican experiment and advocated cities\'' autonomy. Tolerance became, in the 17th century, a concept contested because of its pejorative meaning; the progressive introduction of the pro-tolerance position, in order to contrast with this negative predominant vision, supported the idea that tolerance was not a menace to the integrity and peace of the Dutch Republic but the principal reason for its prosperity. The concept of tolerance became, afterwards, the battle-field on which the best juridical, economical and political form of the United Provinces was decided. The penetration of this debate about tolerance and intolerance in the Collegiants movement was adapted into an anticonfessional and irenic orientation focusing on religious and social peace. The defense of an unlimited and mutual tolerance represented, for the Collegiants, a proposal of pacification in the pluralistic dimension of the Dutch religious life, which was perceived, by their coeval, as a source of division and instability. The practice of nonexclusive tolerance and the extensive reception of different confessions inside the movement was a pragmatic attempt to find a solution to the problematic turbulence inside the Doopsgezinden and more generally to the religious disputations in the United Provinces. The central figure investigating the conduct and the limits of this debate inside the Collegiants was Jan Bredenburg. This chapter will, indeed, analyze the trouble arising from Bredenburg\''s position on tolerance and his extensive use of Spinozist concepts and language. This debate about the extension and the limits of tolerance involved, indirectly and directly, a discussion regarding religious organization, freedom of speech, and charismatic authority. In his works, Bredenburg, with his continuous redefinition of the discussion about tolerance, shows all the ambiguity and ambivalence of this term. Unlimited and mutual tolerance finds its limits in the continuous exigence of a normative delimitation of it, in the distinction of necessary and unnecessary dogma, but also, in a trivial way, in the impossibility of tolerating the intolerant. In the case of the Collegiants the adversaries of the unlimited and mutual tolerance undermined Collegiants\'' nonexclusivism with their proposals to identify with a confession of faith. Pressures in the direction of identification and exclusivism were, however, only a part of the tolerance problem. With the "Bredenburgse Twisten" (Bredenburg controversy) the limits and the ambiguities of the concept of tolerance and the limits of the penetration of Spinoza\''s philosophy in Collegiant\'' movement become clear. These limits concerned especially the necessity and priority of contrasting skeptical and atheist tendencies in the field of belief. The final chapter of this dissertation is dedicated to a question that underlines the problems of anticonfessionalism, tolerance, and secularization. The question asked in this conclusive part regards the possibility to trace the emergence of rational argument in Collegiants understanding of the divinity. To answer this question it was necessary to make some preliminary remarks about the diffusion and vernacularization of Descartes\'' and Spinoza\''s philosophies in the 17th century Netherlands. Short descriptions of the two most influential systems of thought of the epoch are two methodological steps useful in understanding not only the degree of penetration of these philosophies into Collegiants but also the nature and meaning of the concept of rationality at that time. The definition of the relationship with the divinity, after the XIX Arikelen\''s statement of the unholy Church, is represented, in the history of the Collegiant movement, by a precise moment: the discussion and dispute between the Rijnsburgers and the Quaker missionaries in the United Provinces. The debate with the Quakers assumes a specific meaning not only because it shows the proximity and similarity between the two religious movements but also because it testifies to the emergence of a central concept: the light. Central text to determine the nature of this relationship and to define the meaning that for the Collegiants had the concept of light, is Balling´s Het licht op den Kandelaar (The Light on the Candlestick). Balling\''s answer to Quakers represents a penetration of Spinozist language into the definition of religion as knowledge of God but also a singular affinity and fascination for the Quakers\'' concept of light. The question of contact with the divinity appears in the text as an individual experience, not mediated by any human instrument via language or the empirical experience. The approach to God is certainly described as an epistemological progression but the perfect comprehension of God is defined with the vocabulary of the affections rather than as full rational understanding. This text is certainly highly controversial and the continuous shift between philosophical and Quakers\'' language make its interpretation problematic. Het licht op den Kandelaar reflects Collegiants\'' position as a sum of philosophical argumentation, mysticism, and the irreconcilable reference to God as an infinite and unknowable creature. What emerges with force in the analysis of this source is the impossibility of understanding Balling\''s description of the relationship with God as purely rational. Balling, however, stresses the possibility of the constant perfectionism of human knowledge and self-emancipation and, furthermore, proposes new terms for religious thought. What he calls the "true religion" is described as ethical behavior constructed with the combination of tolerance, equal participation in the religious life, and the refusal to countenance formal conformism to Church institutions. Collegiants\'' acceptance of a Church without God does not necessary involve a pure absence of divine work, on the contrary, the proximity to God is progressively researched in an interior sphere which involve a process of knowledge. The legitimacy of the "Truth" is, then, given no more by the transcendental gift of the divinity but in the accordance of personal conviction and ethical behavior, the religion is, indeed, redefined according to these terms. True religion is, for Balling, a continuous inquiry into the natural and internal principle that each individual possesses in order to achieve full comprehension of God\''s word. This statement testify not only of a new conception of the Religion but also reaffirm the minoritaire core of Collegiants´nature; religion, in their understanding, is not more matter of concord, unity, orthodoxy but source of knowledge, problematization and continuous questioning about its own identity. Nonconformity and cultural dynamics: some preliminary remarks Before starting the presentation of the Collegiants\'' argument about tolerance, Church organization, and rationalism, to fully understand some choices and the approach of this dissertation, and to comprehend how Collegiants sources have been read, some methodological remarks are necessaries about the emergence and development of the historical phenomenon called nonconformity and how was it received and transformed in 17th century Holland. Nonconformity is, as will be shown, one of the central concepts developed by the Collegiants to justify their antiauthoritarianism and anticonfessionalism. The concept appears more interesting if we look at the number of meanings and social phenomena that it includes. It first developed in England in the juridical context and was named in the later 17th century as a defined religious movement that opposed the Act of Uniformity. In the English sources it is possible to retrace the history of this concept, demonstrating how the significance and arguments regarding nonconformity changed in one hundred years. Not far from England, in the United Provinces, the evolution of the concept of nonconformity follows another route, giving rise to radically different signification. Proposing a comparative study, between England and the United Provinces, of the development and semantic elaboration of the concept of nonconformity, is useful not only to understand the different expression of religious dissidence but also to detect cultural and social change in the approach to religion. Beyond the obvious differences between the two Countries, the different political, social and cultural history it is still possible and fruitful to compare how the concept of nonconformity developed in England and Netherlands because of the numerous contact between the Collegiants and the English religious dissident groups and because of the particular redefinition that the concept of nonconformity assumed in the United Provinces. The differentiation of English nonconformity (which dominates the European semantic field with direct and specific connotations of particular events with particular actors) from Dutch nonconformity, explains how historical agents using or interpreting a concept in a particular way can change its semantic connotation. The category of nonconformity, because of its shift from a juridical field to a social-religious one, indicates a semantic enrichment and a conceptual dynamic that can prove a sensible point to investigate structural changes. These case studies possess the necessary characteristics to be approached with the methodology developed by Koselleck and the Cambridge History of Ideas, because "society and language insofar belong among the meta-historical givens without which no narrative and no history are thinkable. For this reason, social historical and conceptual historical theories, hypotheses and methods are related to all merely possible regions of the science of history" . It is our intention to pay particular attention to the analysis of the sources and to their contextualization with the aim of constructing a map of nonconformity\''s semantic change via its arguments in pamphlets and polemical texts of the 17th century. It is our intention to investigate, through the study of the emergence of this concept, the tendencies of secularization, the development of arguments regarding religious indifferentism, and the renounciation of a religious life normalized by concrete institutions, rituals, and ceremonies. A semantic study of how the concept of nonconformity emerges, how it is filled with new meaning, and which new and old concepts intervene to define the religious and political field, is essential to explain and understand the Collegiants\'' mentality in 17th century Holland, to determine how they think, and in which ways they influence the cultural and social dynamic in a specific context. The production of new meaning and the continuous nomination of a cognitive world influence, in their turn, the production and development of new instruments of thinking. To understand the shift, the dynamics, and the changes in the cultural field, a rhetorical and semantic analysis is necessary. The arena of investigation is, however, limited to the religious sphere and the sources analyzed are, in a large majority, polemical pamphlets, which means that the question about the correlation between the emergence of a new concept and change in the mentality refers principally to the change in the perception of religion as a dogmatic and doctrinaire system. The concept of nonconformity is surrounded by many other concepts, which partly explain its nature and constitute its semantic field. In this dissertation we focus on different concepts (tolerance, anticonfessionalism, Utopia, mysticism, and millenarianism) because nonconformity emerges, from the analysis of different pamphlets and sources, as correlated with them. Dutch nonconformity involves, for example, a necessary reflection on Church form, the organization of religious life, exclusivism vs. non-exclusivism and a certain vision of the future that actualizes itself as Utopia or millenarian impulse. This constellation of concepts, which characterizes itself for semantic differentiation but also for their strict interrelation, is also useful in explaining the nature of a radical and dissident movement like the Collegiants and in understanding how the religion, understood as belief experience, was fulfilled by new themes, concepts, and meanings. Furthermore, to investigate this conceptual connection and contextualize the emergence and use of determined religious vocabulary, it is useful to understand the nature and presence, in the Dutch religious field, of the phenomenon of secularization especially in its particularly form which goes under the name of "rationalization of the world". The central question asked in this dissertation is, finally, not how it is possible to construct a category of nonconformity as an analytical concept that helps in understanding religious phenomena, but what is nonconformity and which kind of religious phenomenon it describes, how it has been used and with which consequences. The question regards how it is possible to detect structural change in the mentality while investigating conceptual change or emergence of a new concept. The cultural dynamic is, in this dissertation, understood as a semantic and cognitive phenomenon of mutual influence between emergence or nomination of new concepts and events historically determined. The History of Concepts approach privileges, as has been shown, the semantic field and text analysis for detecting changes in the mentality and in the social-cultural sphere. One more reason to find in this approach a fruitful method for understanding the Collegiants\'' universe is the particular interest that they reserved for the language. The Collegiants stressed the importance of the spread of vernacular Dutch with the compilation of grammars, dictionaries, and lexica . In 1654 the Collegiant Luidewijk Meijer published the Nederlandsche Woorden-Schat, with a new edition in 1658. The Woorden-Schat was a Latin-Dutch and French-Dutch dictionary and a guide to principal terms in Nederduitsche (Low Dutch), with particular attention paid to the basterdtwoorden (Bastard Words) and the konstwoorden beghrijpt (cultural and artistic concepts). Some Collegiants in Rotterdam, as well as in Amsterdam, were active participants in a cultural project that worked on the definition and elaboration of the Dutch language in poesy, theater, and literature. Rafael Camphuysen and Johachim Oudaan were appreciated poets and, in 1669, Luidewijk Meijer and Johannes Bouwmeester founded a cultural academy with the name Nil Volentibus Arduum (Nothing is arduous for the willing). Around the same time Adriaan Koerbagh published Een Bloemhof (A flower garden), a theological dictionary edited according to controversial philological criteria, with the explicit aim of explaining the origin of superstition and unmasking the authority of theologians\'' obscure and adulterated language . In 1706 William Sewel, a Flemish converted to Quakerism, wrote the Compendius Guide to the Low-Dutch Language, a Dutch grammar for English speakers. These sources and the presence in Collegiants\'' texts of a continuous debate about the language, testify to great awareness in their choice of terms and words. Collegiants often use italics to emphasize special concepts, or to introduce a neologism or Latin calque. In addition, they refer several times to their efforts to introduce a correct and transparent use of the language. The Collegiants were surprisingly familiar with the crystallizing power in a certain employment of discourse and language; they explicitly challenged the predominance of scholastic and theologian's terms, which substitute the direct and immediate experience of the religion with an intricate and abstract speculation on transcendence and divinity. Dutch grammar and dictionaries, work with the vernacular language in poetic or literary texts, and philological research on the origin of words, testify to a Collegiant Dutch language undertaking, an engagé project anything but neutral to democratize the discussion about religious matters and to guarantee egalitarian participation by both cultivated and uncultivated people. This effort is well represented by an emblematic figure in the Collegiants\'' sources; the founder of this religious movement, Van de Kodde, is several times described as a cultivated peasant able to speak French, Latin, Greek, in the same way the Philosopherenden Boer (Philosophizing peasant), described by Stol in 1676, extols the superiority of a simple peasant\'' reasonable pragmatism in comparison to the Cartesian\''s method and the Quaker\''s rhetoric. This was the essence of the Collegiants\'' anticonfessionalism and antiauthoritarianism, a campain with both Utopian and rational implications, aiming at a possible rethinking of religious experience outside normative structures.
