Search results

Many liberals believe that shared democracy can be a foundation for peace not only directly, but also indirectly through increased trade between countries as well. We test the hypothesis that democratic states will conduct more trade with each other by relating pairs of states' trade to their political regime type, official language, openness to trade, alliance status, & the presence of militarized disputes, as well as to the states' gross domestic product & the distance between them. We report analyses for 882 dyads from 1962 to 1989 & for 1,042 dyads from 1973 to 1989. Our results provide strong support for the hypothesis that shared democratic polity, common language, & openness to trade are associated with higher values of international trade. 4 Tables, 53 References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines policy theories underlying school choice proposals, based on the premise that all public policies should be ground in theories that address the problem, desired outcome, & specific intervention. School choice proponents agree on a theory of the problem; ie, poor results are more likely when school officials experience little pressure to improve performance. However, the desired outcome of better schools varies depending on the meaning of "better" to both parents & school officials. Kenneth Godwin et al's & Mark Schneider et al's underlying theories (both, 1998) are examined to demonstrate how different types of causal analysis & divergent visions of a desired outcome affect policy proposals. Finding that parents have diverse opinions about what is important in schooling has important policy consequences & points a need for further research to compare assumptions about the behavior of key actors. Other gaps in the understanding of theories on which school choice is based are discussed. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

Offers us a general view of North American thinking regarding the characteristics, creation, & development of democratic communities. Clashes between liberals & communitarians are discussed. After considering the main points of each side, pragmatists are considered. Adapted from the source document.

Suggestions for improving the school choice model proposed by Kenneth Godwin et al (1998) include increasing the time frame of the 5-year experiment, & extending the autonomy proposed for private providers to the public sector. It is maintained that the charter school experience indicates parents want publicly sponsored schools that offer varied choices; however, the proposed 33% minority enrollment is seen as unrealistic in certain geographic areas. A suggested alternative is for schools to fill up to 15% of new places with low-income students if that many apply. The benefits of replacing the no-tuition proposal with a capped means-tested tuition are discussed, along with the possibility of reducing the 50% voucher for the very rich. The mean of equality of opportunity & the importance of test scores are examined, along with the assumption that class or racial segregation hurts achievement, the issue of the common good, & the relation between choice & fostering of community. J. Lindroth

Comments on Mark Schneider et al's & Kenneth Godwin et al's articles (both, 1998). Both studies illuminate the value choices & conflicts involved in school choice. However, it is maintained that Schneider et al failed to distinguish between differing parental understandings of school attributes, eg, "values of the school," casting doubt on whether parental choices are compatible with the authors' rationale. Godwin et al's analysis presumes that the benefits of social diversity & political rights gained by school choice outweigh the cost of some racial/economic segregation. It is argued that the risks of school choice are considerably greater than either article suggests, & the value prisms through which potential outcomes are evaluated impact assessments of relative risk. 1 Reference. J. Lindroth

A reply to Janet A. Weiss's, John Coons's, & Jeffrey R. Henig's comments on Godwin et al's "Liberal Equity in Education: A Comparison of Choice Options" (all, 1998) maintains that a program using a graduated voucher system with low-income quotas for choice schools will help to alleviate inequalities of opportunity, diversity, & rights of lower-income families. It is agreed that more research is needed, but contended that the necessary data will only be obtained by instituting a pilot program that includes sectarian schools & does not restrict vouchers. Further, suggested integration requirements for schools accepting vouchers would prevent the greater class & ethnic segregation predicted by school choice opponents & would enhance diversity, which includes an expansion of the range of groups that support differing worldviews. It is not suggested that the state's role would increase governmental power, but simply that the national government should protect minority viewpoints often denied at the local level. The importance of moral self-perfection in promoting tolerance is discussed. 6 References. J. Lindroth

Discusses on political developments between the 1993 and 1998 elections; focuses on public support for the democratic process and rule of law, as opposed to the authoritarian nature of the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) and the 1998 election's lack of freedom or fairness. Also describes Australian-Cambodian relations.

Explores the views of three political thinkers who argued for the inclusion of multiculturalism & identity politics in the philosophy of modern democracy: Charles Taylor, Michael Walzer, & Will Kymlicka. The type of multiculturalism defended by Taylor promoted a model of citizenship that treated societies' cultural diversity fairly; his view that fragmentation was an identity problem occurring when citizens were incapable of identifying with political community is examined. Walzer's opinion that community membership fulfilled a need that was just as strong as the need for basic rights is reviewed. Kymlicka saw cultural membership as a fundamental good, favored the recognition of collective rights inside the liberal paradigm of rights & believed that group-differentiated rights might be necessary for the application of the basic liberal principles. Analysis of these ideas shows that multiculturalism may encourage the formation of identity interest groups & lead to resentment. Adapted from the source document.

Die liberale Theorie der internationalen Beziehungen geht davon aus, daß das Verhältnis von Staat und Gesellschaft einen grundlegenden Bestimmungsfaktor für das Verhalten von Nationalstaaten in den internationalen Beziehungen darstellt. Die Beziehung Staat - Gesellschaft formt nationale Präferenzen, nicht - wie die realistische Theorie der internationalen Beziehungen behauptet - die Zusammensetzung nationaler Fähigkeiten oder Möglichkeiten oder - wie institutionalistische Theorien vertreten - die Summe der nationalen Informationen und Institutionen. Der Artikel kodifiziert diese Basisbegründung der liberalen Theorie, entwickelt Varianten der Theorie und demonstriert, daß die Existenz der liberalen Theorie maßgebliche theoretische, methodische und empirische Inhalte aufweist,welche die Grundlagen für die Theorien der internationalen Politik bilden. (SWP-Fnk)