Suchergebnisse

El presente estudio se propone realizar una caracterización de la minería metalífera en la Provincia de Santa Cruz. Esta actividad comenzó a desarrollarse en esa provincia desde mediados de los años 90 y, hasta la fecha, creció en forma sostenida como consecuencia del cruce de una serie de circunstancias favorables: a) las modificaciones en la legislación, que favorecieron la inversión minera al equiparar en oportunidades a la República Argentina con Chile y el Perú, países con un elevado desarrollo minero gracias a la importante inversión externa directa; b) el potencial minero de la provincia; c) la crisis en el sector lanero -especialmente en la meseta central de la provincia- que llevó a un despoblamiento de los campos de actual explotación minera, lo que redujo la potencial conflictividad entre la minería y la ganadería y facilitó a la nueva actividad la adquisición de propiedades a bajos precios, presentándola, además, como un sector generador de empleo; d) la lejanía de los yacimientos mineros de los centros poblados de la provincia, que favoreció un consenso social superior al verificado en otras regiones del país. En la actualidad, en un contexto de aumento generalizado de los precios internacionales de las commodities, se observa un constante incremento de la actividad minera en la Provincia de Santa Cruz. Ello ha conducido a la incorporación de nuevas tecnologías de producción para la recuperación mineral y a dar impulso a nuevas explotaciones ; Metal mining has been developed in the province of Santa Cruz since mid 90s, by the company Cerro Vanguardia SA, the first to start producing dore bullion in 1998. Later and as a result of the intersection of three favorable circumstances, the activity began to rise steadily until now. These circumstances are: a) changes in the legislation that enacted several laws regarding mining investment, with the intention of standardizing opportunities in Argentina with Chile and Peru, who used to boast about a degree of development much higher, being recipients of foreign direct investment in the sector; b) the mining potential of the territory, whose exploration duties started to develop around the province; c) the crisis in the wool sector, especially in the central plateau of the province. The strong depopulation of the area reduced the potential conflict between mining and farming, helping this new activity to acquire lands at low prices; this crisis in the wool industry presented mining as an activity that generates job opportunities; d) also the important distance of the mining sites from the towns of the province, helped a higher social consensus than the one experimented in other regions of the country. Currently, there is a steady growth of mi- ning in the province of Santa Cruz under general increase in international commodity prices. This involves the introduction of new production technology for mineral recovery and new explorations impulse

Статья посвящена ранее не исследованной в отечественной цивилистике проблеме соотношения сформулированного в гражданско-правовой науке в начале XX в. понятия экономической невозможности исполнения и концепции практической невозможности исполнения обязательств, разработанной в единообразном праве в 1990-х гг. и впоследствии заимствованной многими национальными правовыми системами, в том числе немецкой. В работе исследуется, насколько последняя новелла помогает регулировать договорные отношения и может ли она быть полезна отечественному гражданскому праву. ; The article is devoted to the problem previously unexplored in the Russian civil doctrine of correlation between the concept of economic impossibility of performance of the obligations, created in the beginning of the 20th century, and the phenomenon of practical impossibility of fulfillment of the obligations, which was developed in the 1990s in the uniform civil law and later borrowed by many national legal systems (including Germany). The aim of the present research is to find out how much this innovation helps the regulation of the contractual relations and if it might be useful for the Russian civil doctrine and legislation, which is currently under the process of reformation. Learning the proceedings of the representatives of the Pandect Law School and the contemporary studies of German Law on obligations, making deep analysis of lex mercatoria (the UNIDROIT Principles of International Commercial Contracts 2010, the Principles of European Contract Law 2002, the Draft. Common Frame ofReference 2009) and Russian civil legislation, revealing the origins of the concepts of the economic and practical impossibility of fulfillment of the obligations, the author comes to a conclusion that the scopes of the concepts of economic and practical impossibility of fulfillment coincide to a certain extent. The author believes that the provisions on practical impossibility of fulfillment in the form they exist in German civil law and lex mercatoria cannot be recommended for the reception by Russian civil legislation, as it will lead to a conflict of the transplanted provisions with Art. 451 of the Russian Civil Code (RCC) and, therefore, to the problems in law enforcement. In the article it is recommended to provide gross disproportion between the expenses and efforts of the debtor, which are necessary for fulfillment and the interest of the creditor in this fulfillment, i.e. practical impossibility of fulfillment of the obligations, which is a type of hardship of fulfillment, as an independent basis for modification or termination of a contract by the court applicable regardless of whether practical impossibility occurred (before or after obligation arose). In this connection, the author proposes to add the following rule to Art. 451 (2) RCC: ''A contract may also be modified or terminated at the request of an interested party, if its specific fulfillment requires from the obliger expenses and efforts which, taking into account the subject matter of the obligation and the requirements of good faith, are grossly disproportionate to the interest in fulfillment of the obliged''.

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; Sudan is a sending and a receiving country for economic as well as for forced migrants (refugees). Out-migration from Sudan is caused by conflict and political instability, but also by the desire of Sudanese migrants to have better economic and educational opportunities abroad and, in some cases, family reunification. Migrants coming to Sudan are either refugees or recent voluntary migrants following oil exploration and the signing of the peace agreements in 2005. Statistics show that Asians represent the majority of economic migrants in Sudan, while Ethiopians and Eritreans represent the overwhelming majority of refugees in the country. There is no clear or coherent policy that addresses gender aspects of migration or safeguards the rights of migrant women in particular for either Sudanese or foreign migrants. Migration issues are dealt with through legal frameworks that regulate the presence and work of foreign nationals, and the journeys of nationals. Indeed, laws are not gender sensitive and do not address the concerns of either migrants generally or migrant women in particular. There is a need for legal reform and there is also a need for the introduction of policies or programmes that are gender sensitive when dealing with migration issues. Sudan needs to enter into bilateral agreements with receiving countries, to ensure the protection of migrant Sudanese women abroad and foreign migrant women in Sudan. / Le Soudan est à la fois un pays d'accueil et d'origine pour les migrations de travail et pour les migrations forcées. Les causes de l'émigration sont les conflits et l'instabilité politique, la recherche de meilleures opportunités économiques et d'éducation et, parfois, la réunification familiale. L'immigration, quant à elle, est formée des flux de réfugiés et de migrations de travail récentes à la suite du développement de l'exploitation pétrolière et de la signature des accords de paix. Les statistiques montrent que la majorité des migrants économiques sont originaires d'Asie, tandis que l'écrasante majorité des réfugiés sont Ethiopiens et Erythréens. Tant pour les migrants Soudanais qu'étrangers, il n'existe pas de politique claire ou cohérente relative aux aspects sexués ou « genrés » de la migration ou, plus particulièrement, à la protection des droits des femmes migrantes. Les questions migratoires sont considérées à travers les cadres législatifs relatifs à la présence et au travail des étrangers, et aux déplacements des nationaux. En effet, les lois ne tiennent pas compte du genre et ne répondent pas aux préoccupations des migrants en général et des femmes migrantes en particulier. Il existe donc un besoin de réforme de la législation, ainsi qu'un besoin de créer des politiques et des programmes qui, lorsqu'elles traitent des questions migratoires, tiennent compte du genre. Le Soudan a besoin de développer des accords bilatéraux avec les pays d'accueil afin de garantir la protection des femmes soudanaises émigrées ainsi que des femmes étrangères immigrées au Soudan.

Анализируются данные социологического исследования, проведенного среди старшеклассников г. Перми, о том, что они знают о своих правах и как их реализуют на практике в условиях современной школы. В статье затрагиваются вопросы формирования правосознания и правовой культуры, понимания возможности реализации имеющихся прав. Авторы указывают на проблемные стороны, которые видят учащиеся в реализации своих прав в рамках системы общего образования. Проблемы реализации своих прав связываются с перспективами формирования гражданского общества и правового государства в России. ; The authors analyze the data of sociological investigations held among some senior schoolchildren in Perm about knowledge and realization of their rights in the condition of modern school. Modern world pays more and more attention to realization of children's rights, of teenager's rights and practical workers and theorists think that it helps to form real citizens of the country. The problems of forming the elements of lawful culture at school and in the family, the absence of information about the rights and lawful interests, the absence of understanding how to realize them may lead to unacceptable forms of behavior in future. Together with all that the authors connect the chance of realization of the rights with understanding of the duties which are not clear and acceptable for many senior schoolchildren. The interest to realization of the rights grows in some conflict situations in the process of education. The absence of systematic work in the field of lawful education and preventive measures in breaking the laws, the lack of necessary conditions for personal development causes awful crimes among young people, especially among under aged. At school with all drawbacks of this educational institution a young man gets some systematic knowledge and skills, acquires the basic understanding of norms of behavior and social values. We can judge about the development of lawful state and civil society by the level of rightful defence of children, teenagers and young people, because all these social groups are not only our future, but also our present. Modern legislation in the sphere of education mostly corresponds international standards of civil rights. But observance of civil rights at school, control of the observance, as official and nonofficial statistics mark, remains one of the most important problems, which needs great attention from the state with its structures, society and family. The article touches the questions of formation of lawful understanding, lawful culture and realizing the rights which are available now. The authors underline some problematic sides which are clearly seen by the schoolchildren in connection with realization of their rights in the system of general education. The problems of realization of the rights are connected with the perspectives of forming civil society and lawful state in Russia. Modern education must not only secure qualified knowledge and skills, but promote the formation and development of free personality, who can defend his rights and respect the rights of other people.

This monograph (professorial dissertation FU Berlin 2009) undertakes an interpretation of the entirety of Musil's monumental novel by placing the focus on its socio-analytical critique of contemporary society. It adapts Pierre Bourdieu's concept of the socio-analysis of literary texts, complemented by methodology from recent narratology, discourse and media theory, and is empirically grounded upon research from social and cultural history. Opening with a reconstruction of Musil's 'negative' anthropology and his concurrently analytical and constructivistic conception of the novel, as well as his essayistic, 'anti-filmic' poetics, the first part of the study profiles the socio-analytical implications of two major terms of his concept of the novel: firstly "Eigenschaftslosigkeit" (lack of inherent qualities or characteristics), and secondly "Möglichkeitssinn" (sense of possibility) or "Essayismus" (essayism). The main section of the study continues with a reading of The Man without Qualities as a social 'force field', beginning with an analysis of the narratively constituted chronotope and the social sphere of Kakania. It then turns to the central male and female figures of the novel (in the sections Heirs and Disinherited; Climbers and Stagnaters; Terrorists and Prophets, as well as Fallen Lovers; Sufferers of an 'obscure time-disease'; Adapters and Dissidents) and finally to the constellations and interactions of the characters in their aesthetic arrangements (in the sections Marriages in Crises; Orderless Circumstances, Gender Struggle; Attempts at Love beyond Marriage; and Rivalry over Principles and People; Ideologic Hostilities and Class Struggle). Special attention is paid to Musil's contemporary critique of a society in a contradictory process of modernisation, and to his concrete historical and ideological points of reference in the conflict strewn Austria and Germany of the preand inter-war years, as it is these to date neglected aspects that cause the uncompleted, and yet epoch-making, novel to appear so unique and incomparable. A final section considers the positioning of the novel and ist author in the contemporary literary field, as well as his indirect authorial self-analysis which occurs in a concealed manner throughout the fictional narration. With this socio-analysis of The Man without Qualities, Bourdieu's innovative cultural-sociological approach is for the first time applied in a consistent and detailed manner on a canonical German language novel. Moreover, an integral aspect of the study involves a theoretically aware integration of meticulous textual analysis and a broad cultural and literary historical contextualisation, which not only extends over Musil's essays and his voluminous literary remains (notes and drafts of sequels), but also over numerous discoursive involvements with contemporary Austrian and German politics and scholarship, and national and international literature. The Man without Qualities hence is presented as a modern classic of European literature, which relentlessly reveals the roots of the catastrophical history of the early twentieth century, and which transcends the sociological knowledge of its time.

This monograph (professorial dissertation FU Berlin 2009) undertakes an interpretation of the entirety of Musil's monumental novel by placing the focus on its socio-analytical critique of contemporary society. It adapts Pierre Bourdieu's concept of the socio-analysis of literary texts, complemented by methodology from recent narratology, discourse and media theory, and is empirically grounded upon research from social and cultural history. Opening with a reconstruction of Musil's 'negative' anthropology and his concurrently analytical and constructivistic conception of the novel, as well as his essayistic, 'anti-filmic' poetics, the first part of the study profiles the socio-analytical implications of two major terms of his concept of the novel: firstly "Eigenschaftslosigkeit" (lack of inherent qualities or characteristics), and secondly "Möglichkeitssinn" (sense of possibility) or "Essayismus" (essayism). The main section of the study continues with a reading of The Man without Qualities as a social 'force field', beginning with an analysis of the narratively constituted chronotope and the social sphere of Kakania. It then turns to the central male and female figures of the novel (in the sections Heirs and Disinherited; Climbers and Stagnaters; Terrorists and Prophets, as well as Fallen Lovers; Sufferers of an 'obscure time-disease'; Adapters and Dissidents) and finally to the constellations and interactions of the characters in their aesthetic arrangements (in the sections Marriages in Crises; Orderless Circumstances, Gender Struggle; Attempts at Love beyond Marriage; and Rivalry over Principles and People; Ideologic Hostilities and Class Struggle). Special attention is paid to Musil's contemporary critique of a society in a contradictory process of modernisation, and to his concrete historical and ideological points of reference in the conflict strewn Austria and Germany of the preand inter-war years, as it is these to date neglected aspects that cause the uncompleted, and yet epoch-making, novel to appear so unique and incomparable. A final section considers the positioning of the novel and ist author in the contemporary literary field, as well as his indirect authorial self-analysis which occurs in a concealed manner throughout the fictional narration. With this socio-analysis of The Man without Qualities, Bourdieu's innovative cultural-sociological approach is for the first time applied in a consistent and detailed manner on a canonical German language novel. Moreover, an integral aspect of the study involves a theoretically aware integration of meticulous textual analysis and a broad cultural and literary historical contextualisation, which not only extends over Musil's essays and his voluminous literary remains (notes and drafts of sequels), but also over numerous discoursive involvements with contemporary Austrian and German politics and scholarship, and national and international literature. The Man without Qualities hence is presented as a modern classic of European literature, which relentlessly reveals the roots of the catastrophical history of the early twentieth century, and which transcends the sociological knowledge of its time.

?Corporate Governance? ist ein komplexes Konstrukt, das die Art und Weise definiert in der ein Unternehmen geführt und überwacht wird. Die Trennung von Eigentum und Kontrolle und Interessenskonflikte bilden die Basis des akademischen Denkens darüber.Diese Magisterarbeit präsentiert die Entwicklungen im Bereich Corporate Governance im europäischen Raum, inklusive der Bemühungen der Europäischen Kommission und des Europäischen Parlaments das Corporate Governance Rahmenwerk zu verbessern, und den Zusammenhang mit der Finanzkrise. Sie beschreibt im Detail die Konditionen der internen Corporate Governance in Österreich und den Niederlanden. Zuerst gibt sie einen allgemeinen Überblick über die Rechtslage in beiden Ländern, die Entwicklung von Kodizes, Institutionen, die sich mit diesem Thema beschäftigen (Kodex-Verfasser, Update-Systeme), Anwendung der Kodizes und deren Inhalt und Aufbau (Zielsetzung, Themengebiete, Detaillierungsgrad, Regelkategorien). Dann behandelt sie das Thema komplexe Börsennotierung und erörtert die Hauptthemen des Kodes genauer: Komposition und Funktion von Vorstand, Aufsichtsrat und Komitees, Management Vergütung, betriebliche Steuerung und Abschlussprüfer. Die Arbeit illustriert wie Corporate Governance im österreichischen und niederländischen institutionellen Rahmen eingebettet ist und wie diese Länder die EU Empfehlungen umgesetzt haben. Am Ende zeigt sie in welchem Ausmaß die Regeln in Unternehmen beider Länder Anwendung finden. Dafür führt sie Studien von Porta, Lopez-de-Silanes, Shleifer und Vishny (1998), Wójcik (2006), Heidrick & Struggles (2009), und dem European Corporate Governance Institute ECGI (2009) an. Sie beobachtet, dass Österreich im internationalen Vergleich eine sehr geringe Corporate Governance Qualität aufweist während die niederländische Bewertung sehr gut ist. Anschließend weist sie auf allgemeine Kritik über Corporate Governance Kodizes hin. ; ?Corporate governance? is a complex construct that defines the way how a company is directed and controlled. The separation of ownership and control, and conflicts of interest build the basis for the academic thinking on corporate governance.This Masters thesis presents the developments in the field of corporate governance in the European area, including the efforts of the European Commission and the European Parliament to improve the corporate governance framework, and the relationship between corporate governance and the financial crisis. It describes in detail the conditions of intern corporate governance in Austria and the Netherlands. First, it gives a general background on the legal situation in both countries, the emergence of corporate governance codes, bodies dealing with this topic (code drafters, update systems), application of codes, and their content and structure (main objective, topic treated in the codes, level of detail, guidelines on the level of obligation). Then, it deals with the issue complex listing situations, and describes in detail the mains issues of the code: composition and functioning of boards and committees, remuneration of management board members, internal control, and statutory auditors. The thesis illustrates how corporate governance is embedded in the Austrian and Dutch institutional framework, and how they translated the Recommendations of the European Commission.In the end, it shows in which extent Austrian and Dutch companies apply to the rules. It therefore explains studies of La Porta, Lopez-de-Silanes, Shleifer, and Vishny (1998), Wójcik (2006), Heidrick & Struggles (2009), and the European Corporate Governance Institute ECGI (2009). It finds that Austria, compared internationally, shows a low quality of corporate governance whereas the assessment of the Dutch one is very good. Following, it points out some criticism on corporate governance codes in general. ; Carina Müller ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2011 ; (VLID)217178

EXECUTIVE SUMMARYSince the adoption of the National Campaign Against Drug Abuse (NCADA) in 1985 coordination has been one of the key mechanisms in the development of effective drug policies in Australia. Coordination, which is defined as the process of synchronising activities towards a common goal with the ultimate aim of attaining more integrated and effective policy outcomes, is not an easy task. Responding to drug use and its attendant harms requires complex, inter-governmental, inter-departmental and inter-sectoral responses. It requires solutions that involve multiple stakeholders: Federal, state, territory and local governments; diverse sectors, particularly health, law enforcement and education; government and non-government service providers and the involvement of business, industry, the media, research institutions, local communities and individuals.Australia's reputation for coordination of alcohol, tobacco and illicit drug policies, as exemplified through NCADA and its various iterations, have led to international praise, particularly for the partnership between the health and law enforcement sector (Single, 2001, p. 65). But it is increasingly being recognised that while well coordinated systems can facilitate the capacity for integrated policy development and implementation, poorly coordinated systems may be more deleterious than systems that provide no coordination. Poorly coordinated systems may increase fragmentation, reduce accountability, increase the time and cost of responding, create barriers to services for drug users, reduce public respect for policies and lead to internal conflict between governments, sectors and service providers (Peters, 1998). Indeed in 1997 Single and Rohl (1997) argued that the national system for managing and coordinating the National Drug Strategy was in need of major reform since both its legitimacy and the ability to operate effectively were in serious doubt.While we note the valuable research that has been conducted into Australian drug policy processes, (see particularly Fitzgerald, 2005; Fitzgerald & Sewards, 2002) to date there has been no explicit study that has focused on the coordination of Australian drug policy. This project rectifies this need by examining the processes and structures for illicit drug policy coordination in Australia. We focus on Australian illicit drug policy coordination in the broadest sense, whether guided and influenced by the National Campaign Against Drug Abuse strategies or National Illicit Drug Strategies and/or both. For reasons of simplicity this project focuses on coordination within and between our national structures and advisory groups, represented at the peak by the Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy. The national advisory processes and structures warrant particular attention given they are the only formal mechanisms at which all levels of government and sectors come together to direct and coordinate Australian drug policy.This study provides a new approach to looking at coordination, through the lens of "good governance". Such an approach was adopted both due to the absence of any specific theories or frameworks on coordination, and because of the strong links between coordination and governance.

International audience ; To draw up a balance of historiography on the seventieth anniversary of the civil war would require more than a mere review of the books published in 2006. The issue of the war of 1936 has taken a central place in the public arena and in debate among citizens, to the extent that professional historians today are increasingly faced with manifold demands that have to be attended to in any analysis of historical production. An examination of two broad syntheses on the history of the war serves to measure not only the progress of knowledge but also the interpretative limits of the classical account of the conflict, which is now questioned by several original works. These propose an approach which, if accompanied by a systematic discussion on how the identity of history's actors is forged and how historians handle language, could pave the way for a genuinely new approach to the history of this war, as long as there is a real debate. ; Hacer un balance del setenta aniversario de la Guerra Civil en el plano historiográfico no puede resumirse en una simple revista crítica de los libros publicados durante el año 2006. La cuestión de la guerra de 1936 ha penetrado tan profundamente en el espacio público y en los debates de los ciudadanos, que los historiadores profesionales se enfrentan, hoy más que ayer, a unas exigencias múltiples que hay que incorporar al análisis de la producción histórica. El examen de dos grandes síntesis sobre la guerra permite medir la progresión de nuestro conocimiento del conflicto, pero también los límites interpretativos de un modelo clásico de relato del período que ya ha sido cuestionado en algunos libros originales. Éstos proponen un enfoque que, de acompañarse de una reflexión sistemática sobre la construcción de la identidad de los actores de la historia y sobre el uso del lenguaje por parte del historiador, puede llevar a una verdadera renovación de la historia de esta guerra, a condición de que el debate tenga lugar. ; Faire le bilan du soixante-dixième anniversaire de la guerre civile sur le plan historiographique ne saurait consister en une simple revue des livres parus en 2006. La question de la guerre de 1936 a pénétré profondément l'espace public et le débat parmi les citoyens au point que les historiens professionnels sont confrontés, aujourd'hui plus qu'hier, à des exigences multiples qu'il faut intégrer à l'analyse de la production historique. L'examen de deux grandes synthèses sur l'histoire de la guerre permet de mesurer les progrès de la connaissance, mais aussi les limites interprétatives d'un modèle classique de récit du conflit, qui s'est vu contesté par plusieurs ouvrages originaux. Ceux-ci proposent une approche qui, si elle s'accompagne d'une réflexion systématique sur la construction de l'identité des acteurs de l'histoire et sur le maniement du langage par l'historien, peut permettre un réel renouvellement de l'histoire de cette guerre, à condition que le débat ait lieu.

Most influential Lithuanian political parties: Christian Democrats, Party of the People's Socialists, Social Democratic Party and Nationalist Party played important role in the formation of Lithuanian foreign policy guidelines during the period of parliamentary government in Lithuania. Nevertheless in historiography the role of them usually was ignored and the main focus was on the Government's foreign policy conception. In our work: "The Foreign Policy Attitudes of Lithuanian Political Parties in 1920 – 1926" we had tried to analyze the foreign policy programs of most influential parties and to identify their impact on Governmental foreign policy concept. Political parties and their leaders had to solve complicated territorial issues that inflamed international status of Lithuania. The dispute of Vilnius imposed an intolerable burden on young state, which threatened to cloud relations with its more powerful neighbors. Although Lithuanian society looked to Poland as to the worst enemy of the nation, the long sighted leaders of Christian Democrats and People's Socialists through the mediation of Great Western Powers tried to solve territorial conflict with southern neighbor and retain historic capital of the country by peaceful measures. But both states have had to reconcile so called project of Hymans mainly because of resistance of Nationalist and Social Democratic parties, was rejected. The savage publicity campaign pointed against projects of Hymans demonstrated the lack of civic self – awareness and political consolidation in young society. After the Conference of Ambassadors in 1923 defined the new demarcation line between Lithuania and Poland, which meant the official recognition of Vilnius to Poland, Lithuanian political leaders started to distrust in Great Western Powers and to search new alternative ways how to reanimate and internationalize the Vilnius question. First party, which started to promote alliance with revisionist axis of Moscow and Berlin, was Lithuanian National Alliance. They leaders looked to these states as to best confederates against common enemy – Poland. They also thought, that Poland wouldn't sustain a siege of Soviets and Germans for a long time and when it brake down, Moscow and Berlin would return historic capital to weak, but loyal ally. This geopolitical concept became more and more popular in Lithuanian political circles. On the eve of 1925 People's Socialists leader M. Sleževičius also started to spoke about necessity to contract closer relations with Soviet Union and Germany. The Lithuanian Social Democratic Party from early 1920's kept prosovietic political line which was heavily influenced Marxist doctrine and by negative party attitudes towards Western Powers. Finally, after the Locarno Conference and Christian democrats under the leadership L. Bistras developed new political program which oriented Lithuanian foreign policy to close with Moscow and Berlin. Under these circumstances in the first part of 1926 all Lithuanian political parties hold prosovietic and progerman political orientation. But after the unsuccessful negotiations with the Soviets for concluding the bilateral non – aggression pact Christian democrats on the contrary to other parties argued against closer relations with Germany and Soviet Union.

Most influential Lithuanian political parties: Christian Democrats, Party of the People's Socialists, Social Democratic Party and Nationalist Party played important role in the formation of Lithuanian foreign policy guidelines during the period of parliamentary government in Lithuania. Nevertheless in historiography the role of them usually was ignored and the main focus was on the Government's foreign policy conception. In our work: "The Foreign Policy Attitudes of Lithuanian Political Parties in 1920 – 1926" we had tried to analyze the foreign policy programs of most influential parties and to identify their impact on Governmental foreign policy concept. Political parties and their leaders had to solve complicated territorial issues that inflamed international status of Lithuania. The dispute of Vilnius imposed an intolerable burden on young state, which threatened to cloud relations with its more powerful neighbors. Although Lithuanian society looked to Poland as to the worst enemy of the nation, the long sighted leaders of Christian Democrats and People's Socialists through the mediation of Great Western Powers tried to solve territorial conflict with southern neighbor and retain historic capital of the country by peaceful measures. But both states have had to reconcile so called project of Hymans mainly because of resistance of Nationalist and Social Democratic parties, was rejected. The savage publicity campaign pointed against projects of Hymans demonstrated the lack of civic self – awareness and political consolidation in young society. After the Conference of Ambassadors in 1923 defined the new demarcation line between Lithuania and Poland, which meant the official recognition of Vilnius to Poland, Lithuanian political leaders started to distrust in Great Western Powers and to search new alternative ways how to reanimate and internationalize the Vilnius question. First party, which started to promote alliance with revisionist axis of Moscow and Berlin, was Lithuanian National Alliance. They leaders looked to these states as to best confederates against common enemy – Poland. They also thought, that Poland wouldn't sustain a siege of Soviets and Germans for a long time and when it brake down, Moscow and Berlin would return historic capital to weak, but loyal ally. This geopolitical concept became more and more popular in Lithuanian political circles. On the eve of 1925 People's Socialists leader M. Sleževičius also started to spoke about necessity to contract closer relations with Soviet Union and Germany. The Lithuanian Social Democratic Party from early 1920's kept prosovietic political line which was heavily influenced Marxist doctrine and by negative party attitudes towards Western Powers. Finally, after the Locarno Conference and Christian democrats under the leadership L. Bistras developed new political program which oriented Lithuanian foreign policy to close with Moscow and Berlin. Under these circumstances in the first part of 1926 all Lithuanian political parties hold prosovietic and progerman political orientation. But after the unsuccessful negotiations with the Soviets for concluding the bilateral non – aggression pact Christian democrats on the contrary to other parties argued against closer relations with Germany and Soviet Union.

ÖZETBireysel, ülkesel, bölgesel ve uluslararası güvenlik önemlidir. Güvenlik, tehdit algılamasına bağlıdır ve tehdit algılaması da değişmiştir. Günümüzde tehdidin kaynağı, zamanı ve yeri önceden bilinememektedir. Küresel dünyada tehditlerin bu özelliğinden, istikrarsızlığın ve çatışmaların olduğu bir bölge, uzaktaki ülkeyi de ilgilendirmektedir. Bu bölgelerin, kitle imha silahlarının artması, terörizm, etnik çatışmalar, uyuşturucu kaçakçılığı, insan kaçakçılığı ve yasal olmayan göç gibi günümüz tehditlerinin çoğalmasına zemin oluşturduğu belirtiliyor. Bu bölgelerin kontrolü, güvenlik sorunu olmaktan çıkartılması ve entegre bölge yapılmasının dünya güvenliğine katkıda bulunduğu belirtiliyor. Güney Kafkasya coğrafi olarak stratejik, çatışmaların ve önemli oranda enerji kaynakları bulunan bir bölgedir ve birbirleriyle bağlantılı güvenlik algılamaları ve kaygılarının olduğu devletler sistemi bir güvenlik kompleksini oluşturduğu için Güney Kafkasya bir güvenlik kompleksi olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Bu çalışmada NATO'nun Güney Kafkasya politikaları bu açıdan ele alınmıştır ve bu bölgenin güvenlik kompleksi özellikleri analiz edilmiştir. Öncelikle, güvenlik konusunda teorik altyapı sağlanmıştır. İkinci bölümde, NATO'nun kuruluşu ve değişim süreci ele alınmıştır. Güney Kafkasya bölgesinin coğrafi, tarihi, sosyo-ekonomik özellikleri ve de bölgesel ve bölge dışı güçlerin bölgeye ilgisi üçüncü bölümde analiz edilmiştir. Dördüncü bölümde NATO'nun Güney Kafkasya politikaları ele alınmıştır. Güney Kafkasya Avrupa güvenliği içinde değerlendirilmektedir ve Kafkasya ve Orta Asya'ya NATO'da coğrafi öncelik verilmektedir. Bu bölgedeki programların, NATO'nun uzun dönem stratejisi olan reformların teşvik edilmesi ve desteklenmesiyle Avrupa-Atlantik bölgesinde istikrarın artırılmasıyla tutarlı olduğu belirtilmektedir. ABSTRACTSecurity is important in individual, state, regional and international level. Security is determined by threat perception and threat perception has changed. Now, source, time and place of a threat cannot be known beforehand. In globalized world, a destabilized, conflicting area is also concern of a distant country because of the characteristics of new threats. These areas are considered as breeding grounds for contemporary threats, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, ethnic conflicts, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and illegal migration. Their control, desecuritization, and transformation into an integrated region are defined as contributing to world security. South Caucasus is geographically strategic, conflicting region with considerable energy resources and it is defined as a security complex with such characteristics, since the security complex is a set of states with interlinked security perceptions and concerns. In this study, NATO policies in South Caucasus are analyzed from this perspective and security complex characteristics of this region is analyzed. First, theoretical background on security is provided. Formation of NATO, transformation process is analyzed in second chapter. Then, geographical, historical and socio-political characteristics of South Caucasus region and involvement of regional and outer powers are analyzed in third chapter. In fourth chapter, NATO policies in South Caucasus are analyzed. South Caucasus is considered in the European security area, geographic priority is given to South Caucasus and Central Asia. NATO programs in these regions are defined as consistent with NATO's long-term strategy to enhance stability across Euro-Atlantic region by encouraging and supporting reform.

It is difficult to imagine the concept of constitutionalism without the notion of deliberative democracy. Historically, written constitutions are the capstone of the ages-long struggle to limit arbitrary governmental action. James Madison said, "In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself. A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government." We live in an era of constitution making. There are close to 200 national constitutions in existence today, and more than half have been written or re-written in the last quarter century. New nations and radically new regimes, seeking the democratic credentials that are often a condition for recognition by other nations and by international political, financial, aid, and trade organizations, make writing a constitution a priority. In 1787, the new United States of America was the originator and model of traditional constitution making by a hand-picked elite group, and of the constitution as marking a settlement of conflict and inaugurating a new regime of powers and rights. Mainstream scholarship has generally presented the American Constitution as the fixed outcome of a period of nation building. Admirers, offering this as an example to others, tend to want to duplicate its perceived virtues: constitution-making as an act of completion, the constitution as a final settlement or social contract in which basic political definitions, principles, and processes are agreed, as is a commitment to abide by them. Europeans have recently adopted a constitution for the European Union that is very different from the U.S. Constitution. The creation of a document which solidifies 25 countries as a political body has enormous ramifications for democracy across all civilizations. On the face of it, the proposed European Union constitution imitates the American federalist form. As I intend to show, its specific provisions move in an entirely different direction. The influences, by which the United States and the European Union have developed their constitutions, and therefore their democracies, are complex, but integral to understanding the political foundations on which these two polities rest. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the differences and similarities between the two political bodies and constitutions, discover what, if any, rights are given to citizens, how identity (or lack thereof) of citizens affects the policies and progression of a political unit, and to better identify the responsibility of politicians within these communities. I will explore the historical examples of successful and unsuccessful governments, what a democratically influenced constitution should look like, and what future steps the European Union and United States should take to cement these ideals into their unions.

For sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) the year 2005 offers a number of important opportunities for political action (G8 summit; debate on the report on the Commission for Africa – CFA; review of the progress made on achieving the Millennium Development Goals – MDGs). On the one hand, this is a chance that should not be missed; on the other, it would be important to ensure that this process is not narrowed down, resulting in a focus on overly simplistic declarations and options for action. Against the background defined by successes in development that have, on the whole, either failed to materialize or proven insufficient, and that are reflected in the indicators on the (non-)achievement of the MDGs, there is an intensive debate underway on the African continent, one that casts light on some of the different dimensions of the debate. The first question involved here concerns approaches to explaining existing development deficits. What we increasingly find here is a polirization between approaches that see the central governance problems on the one side and in "poverty traps" and classic structural deficits (high transportation costs, etc.) on the other. And there is no reason to believe that income growth leads automatically to better governance performance. In the second place, the massive increase in the official development assistance (ODA) provided in recent years – which has included just under US $ 24 billion (2003) for sub-Saharan Africa – has come to play a prominent role in the conclusions reached by some important analyses. Arguments in favour of increasing ODA are countered with arguments that point to possible inappropriate incentives (a declining need to mobilize national resources, etc), negative collateral impacts, and lack of the technical-administrative absorption capacities required. In the third place, the debate is concerned with some fundemental questions involved in a reform of ODA designed to improve the quality and effectiveness of development assistance. Both the international consensus reached in the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness (February 2005) and other, more extensive proposals (e.g. regarding program-based approaches, the need to make more intensive use of partner structures) play an important role in this connection. On the whole, it is important to prevent these controversial debates from deteriorating into an unfruitful "doctrinal dispute." What is needed instead is efforts to specify, primarily at country level, the central causes for given problems (Is it certain country policies that may develop key impacts? Or is the core problem rooted in funding bottlenecks?). In sum, there is, on the one hand, no getting away from the need for African partners to devote more efforts to coming to terms with central governance deficits (cleptocratic systems, violent conflict, deficient rule of law, etc.); but on the other hand the donors must be expected to implement their commitments to increase their ODA, step up their efforts to raise the effectiveness of ODA, and to create incentives designed to promote good governance and avoid bad governance.

International audience ; The term frontier in Castile-Leon in the late 12th and early 13th centuries (a neologism that appears late in the 11th century in Aragon and in the mid-12th century in Castilian-Leonese charters) reflects a change of mentality. The terms used theretofore to designate the bounds of the kingdoms or regions adjacent to al-Andalus were more vague. A study of the peace treaties concluded among the various monarchical or princely powers, Muslim or Christian, shows that the process of territorial differentiation culminating in the "Spain of the Five Kingdoms" and the strengthening of central power to the detriment of territorial lordships in the Christian part were accompanied by the establishmentt of fairly well-demarcated frontier lines among the Northern kingdoms. Such demarcattion of frontiers extended even to the territories that Aragonese, Castilian, Leonese and Portuguese sovereigns hoped to wrest from al-Andalus. This development, encouraged by the Papacy, was not without importance in the growth of a feeling of belonging to the Christian fold despite the existing political conflicts. on the Muslim side, on the other hand, in the 12th-13th centuries the notion of a frontier, which since the early days of Islam had marked the divide between territories subject to Muslim law and territories yet to be conquered, seems in the Iberian Peninsula to have been determined entirely by prevailing ideas on the unity of political power and the community of the faithful. ; La généralisation du terme de frontera en Castille-León à la fin du XIIe et au début du XIIIe siècle, alors que ce néologisme est apparu dès la fin du XIe siècle en Aragon et au milieu du XIIe siècle dans les chartes castellano-léonaises, reflète un changement de mentalité. Jusque-là des termes plus vagues étaient utilisés pour désigner les confins du royaume ou les régions faisant face à al-Andalus. L'étude des traités de paix pasés entre les différents pouvoirs monarchiques ou princiers, chrétiens ou musulmans, révèle que le processus de différenciation territoriale qui voit l'émergence de "l'Espagne des cinq royaumes" et le renforcement, dans la partie chrétienne de la Péninsule, du pouvoir central aux dépens des seigneurs territoriaux, s'accompagnent de la mise en place entre les royaumes du nord de frontières linéaires, délimitées assez précisément sur le terrain. Cette fixation des frontières s'étend même, de manière prospective, dans les territoires que les souverains aragonais, castillans, léonais ou portugais projettent de conquérir en Andalus. Cette évolution, encouragée par la papauté, participe au développement du sentiment d'appartenance à la chrétienté, en dépit des clivages politiques existants. En revanche, du côté musulman, aux XIe-XIIIe siècles, la notion de frontière, apparue dès les premiers siècles de l'Islam pour distinguer les territoires soumis à la Loi musulmane et les territoires à conquérir, semble, dans la péninsule Ibérique, totalement déterminée par la réflexion sur l'unité du pouvoir politique et de la Communauté des croyants