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"Nancy Beck Young has written a well argued and carefully researched study of one of the most significant elections in twentieth-century America. Its echoes still sound today. In style and length and with a balance of primary and secondary sources, it is an ideal primer for classes in American political history."--Robert A. Goldberg, author of Barry Goldwater "Two Suns of the Southwest tells the riveting and timely story of the 1964 US presidential election, when the lion of modern liberalism, Lyndon Johnson, and cowboy-crusader of western conservatism, Barry Goldwater, waged battle over the future of the country. With careful command of her sources and engaging and approachable prose, Nancy Beck Young shows us how 1964 was both a product of long-simmering tensions in the Democratic Party and especially the GOP, and a dramatic pivot in the political destiny of this country. Highly illuminating and instructive, this is a must read for students of all ages and standing who want to understand one of the most important elections in American history, as well as the political moment in which we now live."--Darren Dochuk, Author of From Bible Belt to Sunbelt: Plain-Folk Religion, Grassroots Politics, and the Rise of Evangelical Conservatism "This is the work of a careful, thoughtful, and thorough scholar. It amazes me to note that we have reached the day in political historiography when we need an overview of the 1964 campaign. There are plenty of works examining specific aspects of the election, detailing Republican, Democratic, and conservative viewpoints. There are works putting the campaigns into the broader context of the key issues of the times and those that analyze the election results' long-term significance. What this author does is to bring all of those perspectives together in one package. This is an important step in the historiography of

"In 2005, Austria celebrated the sixtieth anniversary of its liberation from the Nazi regime and the fiftieth anniversary of the State Treaty that ended the occupation and returned full sovereignty to the country. This volume of Contemporary Austrian Studies covers foreign policy in the twentieth century. It offers an up-to-date status report of Austria's foreign policy trajectories and diplomatic options. Eva Nowotny, the current Austrian ambassador to the United States, introduces the volume with an analysis of the art and practice of Austrian diplomacy in historical perspective. Ambassador Wolfgang Petritsch analyzes recent Balkans diplomacy as an EU emissary in the Bosnian and Kosovo crises. Historians Gunther Kronenbitter, Alexander Lassner, Gunter Bischof, Joanna Granville, and Martin Kofler provide historical case studies of pre-and post-World War I and World War II Austrian diplomacy, Austria's dealings with the Hungarian crisis of 1956, and its mediation between Kennedy and Khrushchev in the early 1960s. Political scientists Romain Kirt, Stefan Mayer, and Gunther Hauser analyze small states' foreign policymaking in a globalizing world, Austrian federal states' separate regional policy initiatives abroad and Austria's role vis-is current European security initiatives. Michael Gehler periodizes post-World War II Austrian foreign policy regimes and provides a valuable summary of both the available archival and printed diplomatic source collections. A "Historiography Roundtable" is dedicated to the Austrian Occupation decade. Gunter Bischof reports on the state of occupation historiography; Oliver Rathkolb on the historical memory of the occupation; Michael Gehler on the context of the German question; and Wolfgang Mueller and Norman Naimark on Stalin's Cold War and Soviet policies towards Austria during those years. Review essays and book reviews on art theft, anti-Semitism, the Hungarian crisis of 1956, among other topics, complete the volume."--Provided by publisher.

Introduction: Napoleon and its aftermath: reshaping power in Europe and the world / Ute Planert -- France, western Europe and the Atlantic world: Napoleon's empire: European politics in global perspective / Annie Jourdan -- Unity and fragmentation: recent research trends on the "neuf départements réunis" / Brecht Deseure and Emmanuel Berger -- The Napoleonic period in Holland from a Dutch historical perspective / Johan Joor -- Liberty in times of occupation: the Napoleonic era in Germany / Armin Owzar -- Napoleonic Italy: old and new trends in historiography / Anna Maria Rao -- Against the grain: Portugal and its empire in the face of the Napoleonic invasions / Lucia Maria Bastos P. Neves -- The Peninsular War and its repercussions in France and Spain / Jean René Aymes -- "Perfidies, robberies and cruelties": Latin America and Napoleon in the age of revolutions / Stefan Rinke -- The empire overseas: the illusion of restoration / Bernard Gainot -- L'empire d'occident faces the Russian empire: inter-imperial exchanges and their reflections in historiography / Denis Sdvizkov -- What lies behind the glory? A balance sheet of the Napoleonic era in Poland / Jaroslaw Czubaty -- The Danish state and the Napoleonic wars / Rasmus Glenthoj -- The case of Norway: domestic developments and external influences on the periphery of Napoleonic Europe / Bard Frydenlund -- Decline and consolidation: Sweden, the Napoleonic wars, and geopolitical restructuring in northern Europe / Martin Hårdstedt -- Finland and the Napoleonic empire / Max Engman -- "We are constituted as a nation": Austria in the era of Napoleon / Martin Schennach -- The Illyrian Provinces from the Slovene perspective: myth and reality / Peter Vodopivec -- The French rule in Dalmatia, 1806-14: globalizing a local geopolitics/ Marko Trogrli and Josip Vrande'i -- Locating the Ottomans in Napoleon's world / Virginia Aksan -- The birth of modern Egypt from Bonaparte's campaign to Muhammad Ali's seizure of power: a historiographical essay / Jean-Marcel Humbert -- Pride & prejudice: the Napoleonic empire through the eyes of its rulers / Michael Broers

The introduction of this article delves into the author's contemplations on the role of the first ladies of US presidents in maintaining their image and electoral appeal. The author highlights that the general public's lack of knowledge regarding the intelligence, education, mentality, and character of first ladies is an evident historical injustice. Currently, modern historians are actively rectifying this oversight. The purpose of the study is to analyze modern literature on the role and significance of first ladies in the history and political life of the United States and to provide a chronology of published biographical research on this issue in English-language and domestic historiography. The methodology employed is rooted in specialized historical research methods, including comparative-historical analysis, which allows for an exploration of research trends in this historical domain. Additionally, historical systemic and retrospective methods are employed, along with elements of the historical biographical method. The author's historiographical analysis is founded on principles of historicism and historical objectivity. The materials used in the study are memoirs, biographical essays, documents, scientific monographs and articles, and Internet resources, including the official websites of the White House and the National First Ladies' Library. The "Analysis" section contains the main part of the article's text, that is, an analysis of literature and other sources, including autobiographies and memoirs of first ladies, interesting information about the authors of modern biographical studies, as well as the chronological order of published works of Englishlanguage and domestic authors. The results of the research are encapsulated in the author's conclusions on the topic. It is determined that the historiography surrounding the role and significance of first ladies in American history is currently underdeveloped and, often, subjectively biased. Typically, more attention and subsequent publications are dedicated to the spouses of the most popular presidents, overshadowing other first ladies, even if they were remarkable individuals themselves.

The article is devoted to the period that ended the age of dynastic confrontation in the Hungarian kingdom and became decisive for the establishment of the power of the new Anjou dynasty, which in the future had a significant impact on the political life of Eastern Europe and Italy. A dangerous precedent - the division of power and territories of the kingdom within the ruling family during the reign of King Bela IV led to a decline in the prestige of the royal power and brought about a tectonic split in the ruling states of the state. The hypothetical renaissance of the Бrpбd monarch's prestige and royal power, which took place during the reign of King Andrбs III, ended with his untimely death, plunging Hungary into years of dynastic strife. Research methods. First of all, comparative-historical and structural-systemic methods of analysis, methods of induction and deduction, problem-chronological method of presenting the material were used. Scientific novelty. The outlined problems have not been considered in historiography before. Conclusions. In the autumn of 1300, probably none of those who met the small honor of the minor Neapolitan prince Charles Robert, who had previously been excluded from the right to inherit his Italian possessions, had no doubt that he would repeat the fate of his predecessors and become an obedient tool in the hands powerful subjects, such as Shubych, Kyosogi, Chak, etc. However, during the ten years of his reign, Charles I Robert managed to consolidate in his hands the power necessary to destroy powerful oligarchic possessions, among which the province of the Kyosogi family was one of the most powerful. Therefore, the fall of the power of this family became one of the milestones of the destruction of oligarchic possessions by Karl I Robert, which was a prelude to the onset of the period, which in Hungarian historiography was called the "Golden Age".

This article discusses aspects of activities and social functions of the revolutionary military railway tribunals, which operated in 1920–1923. The novelty of the research is ensured by the lack of attention to this theme in historiography and the involvement of a wide range of sources which have not been previously introduced into the scholarship. The author focuses on the activities of the railway tribunals in four railway networks: the United North-Western Roads (Warsaw and Baltic directions), the Petrograd part of the Moscow-Vindava-Rybinsk network, Nikolaevskaii railway network (the prospective October railway), and Murmansk network. Three revolutionary military railway tribunals operated there. The author, for the first time in historiography, describes the reasons and the process of organizing the latter, their staff composition, and the forms of their work that changed at different stages. The emphasis is placed on the emergency powers of employees of these departments and the tasks assigned to them which was manifested in almost unlimited freedom of the members of the tribunals in administering justice in the "interests of the revolution". The article presents an original perspective on the process of the controversial activity of the transport tribunals. The study reveals a conflict between their urgent task to restore labor discipline, on the one hand, and practical activities aimed at indulging the avant-garde class, on the other hand. The author comes to the conclusion that the tribunals, first of all, sought to unite the proletarian collectives around the Communist Party. Managers' enthusiasm for an ideological project led them away from reality. In the final part of the article, it is proved that during the period of new economic policy, the activities of the revolutionary tribunals lost their extraordinary character. They ceased tocorrespond to their purpose and, in fact, turned into people's courts, being abolished in 1923.

The article is devoted to the publication of "A Mortifying Disclosure" in the British newspaper "The Times" on August 24, 1917, with criticism of British foreign policy towards the Ottoman Empire, in particular the actions of Louis Mallet, the British ambassador in Constantinople. The mentioned publication, as well as the discussion caused by it, are little covered in historiography. Much more information is provided by the primary sources, represented by the documents of the British National Archives (The National Archives, TNA), and also by the memoirs of the participants of researched events. In the mentioned article, Louis Mallet was criticized for short-sightedness and excessive credulity. According to the author of the publication, the Turkish grand vizier deceived the British ambassador, even when the choice of the Ottoman Empire in favor of entering the war on the side of the Central Powers became obvious. In turn, the fact that British diplomats failed to find out about the existence of the German-Turkish treaty became the basis for sharp criticism of the Foreign Office at all. In response to this publication, Louis Mallet spoke in defense of his actions in Constantinople. He was supported by other Foreign Office officials, including former Foreign Secretary Edward Grey. They argued that the Foreign Office was fully aware of the pro-German course of the Porte, but intended to delay the state of war with her as far as possible in order to prepare for the defense of Egypt, the Suez Canal and India. These circumstances led to the accommodating position of British diplomacy. The characteristics of both Mallet himself and the grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire, Said Helim, are separately analyzed from the point of view of historiography and their contemporaries. Also the importance of the defense of India and Egypt, its importance as a key factor in shaping the course of British diplomacy was researched. Finally, the work contains the author's interpretations and evaluations of the analyzed events

Introduction. The article examines the features of the combat condition of the units of the CzechSlovak Corps in 1917 – early 1918. It is legitimate to assert that the history of the formation and participation in hostilities of the Czech-Slovak Corps occupies a prominent place both in the history of the First World War and the Revolution, and in the history of the Civil War in Russia in 1914–1920. Methods and materials. The study is based on unique documentary evidence from the archives of the Czech Republic, not previously introduced into scientific circulation. They apply both to individual military units and subunits, and to the corps as a whole. Despite the rather large volume of publications in Russian historiography, the military-political history of the corps during the Civil War cannot yet be considered sufficiently studied. Analysis. The article gives an assessment of the real combat condition of the corps units in late 1917 – early 1918, in the period preceding the anti-Bolshevik action.The factual data presented in the article significantly correct the point of view currently prevailing in terms of Russian historiography and historical journalism, according to which the Czech-Slovak units located along the TransSiberian railway from Penza to Vladivostok were distinguished by large numbers and were well armed. The article analyzes the weapons and ammunition available in the arsenals of the corps, assesses the military training of its various units. In fact, we can say that the numerical strength, as well as the degree of combat readiness of the corps units were not high enough. Results. Therefore, based on this aspect of the history of the Czech-Slovak Corps, it is impossible to say unequivocally about a pre-prepared and carefully planned speech. Nevertheless, the events that took place undoubtedly contributed to the escalation of the Civil War in Russia.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the main publications on the issues of genesis and formation of methodological foundations of culturology as a scientific field of knowledge. At the same time, considerable attention is paid to the contribution of scientists of the Kharkiv State Academy of Culture in the process of formation and establishment of culturology not only as a scientific field of knowledge and its methodology, but also as an educational program for higher education.
The methodological basis for writing this article is the culturological approach (method), which accumulates a set of principles and methods of the humanities, which were adapted to conduct scientific researches on cultural issues.
The result of scientific research of this article is demonstration of the achievements of modern cultural historiography in the formation of its methodological paradigm, its arsenal of principles and methods of scientific research.
The scientific novelty of this article is to confirm the view that no scientific field of humanities, including culturology, should limit research only to its scientific tools. Each science chooses from a diverse methodological arsenal of the humanities those principles and methods that it needs and is suitable for studying the problems of its scientific field. At the same time, each science, including culturology, adapts the methods and principles of other sciences to their research.
The practical significance of the results of the analysis of modern historiography of the problems of methodological principles of culturology as a field of scientific and educational knowledge is that the materials of the article can be useful in further research of methodological principles of culturology. At the same time, the materials of the article can be used in the process of preparation of scientific and educational programs and methodical manuals devoted to the courses of culturology and its methodology.

The literature on global international relations (IR) has argued that the discipline develops in the footsteps of world politics, but no sustained attention has been given to more immediate causes such as the funders that pay for IR teaching and scholarship. These donor–recipient relations have only attracted the attention of authors interested in cultural hegemony and those contributing to the recent historiography of IR. Among the latter, some have studied how during the Cold War the Rockefeller Foundation attempted to buttress classical realism in the United States and Western Europe. This article connects and moves forward IR historiography and the global IR literature by shedding light on philanthropic foundations' attempts to further a specific IR theory—classical realism—and area studies in the global south. The article argues that world politics influenced global IR, but this influence was mediated by highly contingent events. Even a proximate cause like science patronage, let alone "world politics," is not a sufficient cause capable of determining IR theories and disciplinary boundaries. Donors may achieve some impact but only under specific circumstances such as the ones explored here, that is, the donor is a unitary actor determined to advance its agenda by resorting to conditionality, alternative donors and funding are scarce, the discipline is either poorly or not institutionalized, and the recipient perceives the donor's preferences as legitimate. The article uses previously untapped, fine-grained, primary sources to unravel philanthropy's impact on Latin America's first IR center. Because science patronage is exposed to many sources of indeterminacy and to contingency, donors cannot determine scholarship, which makes cultural hegemony all but impossible. Still, IR scholars need to study their patrons to understand their discipline, in and outside Europe and the United States.

This study is an intellectual exercise applying genealogical history writing. Its scope is neither to write factual truths of the past nor to seek the origin of an event, but to raise an issue of a cultural practice of the present. In the second decade of the XXI century, there are still some people who think, talk, and act on their belief in kawitan, glorified ancestors, and make it an entry point for their political interests. The result of this study is some knowledge which is not only valuable to the historiography of Indonesian history but also to the study of oral traditions. Through this study, it is expected that they both can complement each other, and that the science of history does not need to be awkward to use oral tradition as a source of information and researchers studying oral traditions can use genealogical methods in their research ; This study is an intellectual exercise applying genealogical history writing. Its scope is neither to write factual truths of the past nor to seek the origin of an event, but to raise an issue of a cultural practice of the present. In the second decade of the XXI century, there are still some people who think, talk, and act on their belief inkawitan, glorified ancestors, and make it an entry point for their political interests. The result of this study is some knowledge which is not only valuable to the historiography of Indonesian history but also to the study of oral traditions. Through this study, it is expected that they both can complement each other, and that the science of history does not need to be awkward to use oral tradition as a source of information and researchers studying oral traditions can use genealogical methods in their research

The article examines the role of Grigory Ordzhonikidze in the inner-party struggle of the 1920s. The purpose of the article is to determine what position Ordzhonikidze held at different stages of the inner-party struggle. The transcripts and other documents of the leadership of the Bolshevik Party, stored in the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI), became the basis for the research. Contrary to the popular opinion in historiography, the author states that Ordzhonikidze acted independently and was not an obedient satellite of Joseph Stalin during the inner-party struggle. After being appointed the Chairman of the Central Control Commission, he tried to some extent to alleviate the severity of political conflicts and prevent the use of harsh punishments against Stalin's opponents. There is a version in historiography according to which in 1928, during the conflict between Stalin and the Rykov – Bukharin group, Ordzhonikidze initially supported the «right wing» of the Politburo, but then suddenly revised his views and supported Stalin's position. Based on the analysis of archival documents, the author concludes that this statement is invalid. At the same time, Ordzhonikidze, although he was on friendly terms with Stalin and shared his views on the peasant question had a conciliatory attitude and was inclined to seek a compromise with the «right». Ordzhonikidze's conciliatory attitude disappeared after the Trotskyists published a recording of a secret conversation between N. I. Bukharin and L. B. Kamenev. This compromising material formed among the Bolshevik leadership the perception of the «right wing» of the Politburo as an opposition group capable of splitting the «monolithic unity» of the party. For this reason, at the beginning of 1929, when the supreme party court over the «right» was held at the joint meetings of the Politburo and the Presidium of the Central Control Commission, Ordzhonikidze acted as one of the main accusers.

This text presents a study of the revolts of November 1811 that occurred in the San Salvador intendancy, which contrasts with the interpretations made by patriotic and academic historiography about these movements, which state that they were led by Creoles and that the reasons for these uprisings they were in support of persecuted and imprisoned clergymen, and for fiscal demands. Based on the analysis of archival documentary sources, this research proposes that these movements had a character of popular resistance, and were led by leaders of indigenous, ladino and caste neighborhoods, and organized because of political unrest and demands and economic events that detonated in the context of the crisis and changes that impacted the entire Spanish-American monarchical world, which occurred in 1808. The resistance movement was against the abuses of authority of the mayor, the city council of San Salvador and other towns, against the imprisonment for crimes of fidelity, against the fiscal charges, for the concealment of the authorities of the elimination of the tribute by the Courts, and by the dire situation of famine, shortages and unemployment that existed in those years due to the plagues of locusts that devastated the crops. Such situations led the population of neighborhoods and towns to a social explosion, in the face of which the response of the local Spanish authorities was not one of prosecution of the movement and nor of leadership as the historiography has maintained, but of disapproval, persecution, imprisonment. and submission. ; En este texto se presenta un estudio de las revueltas populares ocurridas en la intendencia de San Salvador en noviembre de 1811, este contrasta con las interpretaciones hechas por la historiografía patriótica y académica, dichas interpretaciones plantean que estos movimientos fueron conducidos por criollos, y que los motivos de estos alzamientos fueron en apoyo a clérigos perseguidos, apresados por demandas fiscales y malestares anti coloniales. Sobre la base del análisis de ...

The literature on global international relations (IR) has argued that the discipline develops in the footsteps of world politics, but no sustained attention has been given to more immediate causes such as the funders that pay for IR teaching and scholarship. These donor–recipient relations have only attracted the attention of authors interested in cultural hegemony and those contributing to the recent historiography of IR. Among the latter, some have studied how during the Cold War the Rockefeller Foundation attempted to buttress classical realism in the United States and Western Europe. This article connects and moves forward IR historiography and the global IR literature by shedding light on philanthropic foundations' attempts to further a specific IR theory—classical realism—and area studies in the global south. The article argues that world politics influenced global IR, but this influence was mediated by highly contingent events. Even a proximate cause like science patronage, let alone "world politics," is not a sufficient cause capable of determining IR theories and disciplinary boundaries. Donors may achieve some impact but only under specific circumstances such as the ones explored here, that is, the donor is a unitary actor determined to advance its agenda by resorting to conditionality, alternative donors and funding are scarce, the discipline is either poorly or not institutionalized, and the recipient perceives the donor's preferences as legitimate. The article uses previously untapped, fine-grained, primary sources to unravel philanthropy's impact on Latin America's first IR center. Because science patronage is exposed to many sources of indeterminacy and to contingency, donors cannot determine scholarship, which makes cultural hegemony all but impossible. Still, IR scholars need to study their patrons to understand their discipline, in and outside Europe and the United States. ; La bibliografía sobre Relaciones Internacionales (RI) globales sostiene que la disciplina se desarrolla al compás de la ...

AbstractThis paper explores an obsolescence of labor that did not take place. In the 1960s, Florida's citrus growers appeared poised to accompany farmers across the South in pursuing a strategy of agricultural modernization that would mechanize their harvesting labor, rendering obsolete the thirty thousand Black and white farmworkers who harvested the orange crop. Their efforts were coordinated by the Florida Citrus Commission's Harvesting Research and Development Committee (HRDC), a rotating group of growers, trade association representatives, researchers, and engineers, who were confident that mechanization was within their grasp. But two decades later, every Florida orange was harvested by hand and HRDC's funding had been gutted. Why did growers think that mechanizing harvesting labor was both necessary and imminent? And then why, within only two decades, did they make such an about-face, largely abandoning the project of mechanization? The answer, I argue, lies in the particularities of the citrus industry's experience of globalization. At the level of capital, Florida's growers were caught flat-footed by competition from the nascent citrus industry of the State of São Paulo, Brazil; and at the level of labor, immigrants from Mexico, Guatemala, and Haiti swelled the ranks of available workers. The narrative moves between Florida and São Paulo, examining the efforts of growers to control, monitor, and replace farmworkers, and farmworkers' response, with the efforts and commentary of the HRDC providing the unifying thread. The argument is shown to bear on (1) the historiography of the South's agricultural modernization and (2) the historiography of the South's globalization (the "Nuevo South"), showing that it is necessary to join these two rarely connected historiographies to understand Florida's citrus industry, whose mechanization efforts spanned the 1960s histories of agricultural modernization and the 1980s histories of globalization.