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Using simple economic methods while accounting for political and institutional factors, this book puts forward a political economy viewpoint of NATO's current status and its future prospects. A balanced picture of NATO is presented that is sensitive to the perspectives from both sides of the Atlantic. This is accomplished by accounting for the institutional features and the philosophical aspects that distinguish government decision makers and the defense establishment in North America from their counterparts in Europe. A host of NATO policy concerns are addressed including the optimal membership for the alliance, its role in peacekeeping missions worldwide, the appropriate methods for deterring terrorism, and proper procurement practices for the next generation of weapons. Additional topics concern defense burden sharing, arms trade, NATO's institutional structure, and NATO's role vis-à-vis other international organizations. Although the analysis is rigorous, the book is intended for a wide audience drawn from political science and economics

"This book explores the political economics and cultural politics of social media news sharing, investigating how it is changing journalism and the news media internationally. News sharing plays important economic and cultural roles in an attention economy, recommending the stories audiences find valuable, making them more visible, and promoting the digital platforms that are reshaping our media ecologies. But is news sharing a force for democracy, or a sign of journalism?s declining power to set news agendas? In Sharing News Online, Tim Dwyer and Fiona Martin analyse the growth of commendary culture and the business of social news, critique the rise of news analytics and dissect virality online. They reveal that surprisingly, we share political stories more highly than celebrity news, and they probe how deeply affect drives our sharing behaviour. In mapping the contours of a critical digital media phenomenon, this book makes essential reading for scholars, journalists and media executives."--Page 4 of cover

Political discourse is inarguably deemed an essential tool, impercetably influencing people's perception within a socio-political zone. The present research revolve around the critical discourse analysis of manifestos of Pakistani political parties, pertaining to the general election of 2013. The theoretical framework for the study triangulates VanDijks (1998) Socio-Cognitive Model, along with the support of Turner and Tajfels (1979) Social identity approach and Budge and Farlies Salience theory (1983). The research revealed that all the political parties under study used the discursive strategies in their party manifestos in order to enhance the positive self-image of party to in-group people, by focusing the negative aspects of the out-group, thereby (re)constructing peoples political identities and ideologies and achieving the desired hegemony for itself.

Latent policy is a secret policy, locked away from prying eyes, covering both negative and positive effects. It allows to see the political life not within the limits of the idealized approach but more realistic. Safety, the adequate response to the challenges, struggle for survival and competitive outrunning – these are the main sources and the core of latent policy. The analysis of its nature, characteristics and mechanism is the subject of a new special political science – polit-ical latentology. In this regard there is a fundamental question about the possibilities and methods of studying latent policy. In social consciousness at the commonplace level, it is formulated as follows: «How can you explore something hidden, and what possibly does not exist?.». The article is devoted to the methodology of the hidden policy study. First of all the attention is focused on the meth-odological foundations of the latent policy study: its subject, philosophical approaches to the analysis of latent policy, the basic theory of political latentology and specific methods for studying hidden policy. ; Латентная политика – это потайная, закрытая от посторонних глаз, политика, охватывающая как нега-тивные, так и позитивные явления. Она позволяет видеть политическую жизнь не в рамках нормативно-идеализированного подхода, а более реалистично. Собственная безопасность, адекватный ответ на вызовы, борьба за выживание и конкурентное опережение – вот главный источник и стержень латентной политики. Анализ ее природы, механизма и особенностей образует предмет новой специальной политологической науки – политической латентологии. В связи с этим возникает принципиальный вопрос о возможности и методы исследования латентной политики. На бытовом уровне общественного сознания оно формулируется следую-щим образом: «Как можно исследовать то, что скрыто и может быть, вообще не существует?.» Статья посвящена методологии исследования потайной политики. Автор в первую очередь концентрирует внимание на том, что составляет методологические основы изучения латентной политики: на ее предмете, философских подходах к анализу латентной политики, основных теориях политической латентологии и кон-кретных методах исследования скрытой политики. ; Латентна політика – це потайна, закрита від сторонніх очей, політика, що охоп-лює як негативні, так і позитивні явища. Вона дозволяє бачити політичне життя не в межах нормативно-ідеалізованого підходу, а більш реалістично. Власна безпека, адек-ватна відповідь на виклики, боротьба за виживання та конкурентне випередження – ось головне джерело і стрижень латентної політики. Аналіз її природи, механізму та особливостей утворює предмет нової спеціальної політологічної науки – політичної латентології. У зв'язку з цим виникає принципове питання про можливість і методи до-слідження латентної політики. На побутовому рівні суспільної свідомості воно форму-люється наступним чином: «Як можна досліджувати те, що приховано і що, може бути, взагалі не існує?.»Стаття присвячена методології дослідження потайної політики. Автор в першу чергу зосереджує увагу на тому, що складає методологічні засади вивчення латентної політики: на її предметі, філософських підходах до аналізу латентної політики, основ-них теоріях політичної латентологіі та конкретних методах дослідження прихованої політики.

The political economy of globalization -- Transnational interest blocs in the U.S., the E.U. and Japan -- Corporate power and global value chains -- Labor in global value chains -- The crisis of neoliberal capitalism -- Transnational interest blocs in theory and praxis

The article focuses on the importance of sociolinguistic competence in training future foreign language teachers. The author stresses that the sociolinguistic aspect of teaching a foreign language is crucial to the formation of foreign communicative competence of a future foreign language teacher because sociolinguistic knowledge provides free integration of a personality into the modern foreign language environment. Nowadays, teaching a foreign language presupposes taking into account the influence of social, cultural and political events on the language development. The author states that formation of sociolinguistic competence has to be based on the use of appropriate authentic sources in the education process due to the fact that the sociolinguistic component of teaching has to reflect the modern social conditions of a language use and comprise the current social conventions. The conclusion has been made that the properly developed sociolinguistic competence is an integral part of a foreign language teacher's professional competence. Thus, teaching a foreign language it is necessary not only to possess this competence, but also be able to develop it in students. Key words: sociolinguistic competence, authentic teaching materials, communicative competence, foreign language teachers. ; У статті висвітлено значення соціолінгвістичної компетенції під час навчання майбутніх вчителів іноземної мови. Автор акцентує увагу на тому, що соціолінгвістичний аспект навчання іноземної мови відіграє важливу роль у формуванні іншомовної комунікативної компетентності майбутнього вчителя іноземної мови, оскільки саме соціолінгвістичні знання забезпечують безперешкодне інтегрування особистості у сучасне іншомовне середовище. Навчання іноземної мови на сучасному етапі передбачає навчання з урахуванням впливу на її розвиток соціальних, культурних та політичних явищ. Автором встановлено, що формування соціолінгвістичної компетенції повинно відбуватись на основі використання у навчальному процесі актуальних автентичних джерел, ...

"Hueglin is acutely attuned to novel aspects of contemporary political life, and his dialogues come to life in response to new political realities. The book is very learned, is structured in an ingenious way, and is full of great punch lines." - Ronald Beiner, University of Toronto

A main function of the secret security measures against internal enemies in Denmark, Norway and Sweden in the 1920s and 1930s was to provide, in a situation where the armed forces' traditional role of external defence was weakened, a satisfactory field of responsibility for the officer corps in the three countries. The security measures reflected specifically military enemy images, which saw an immanent Communist (or Socialist) threat to society. This allowed the officers to maintain a high opinion of their own importance, and confirmed their view of themselves as the real guardians of the nation's true interests, even if the job was thankless. Conceptually, these internal security measures may be seen as effects of an early form of `new' military professionalism. Such internal security work was one of several factors which alienated military officers from civilian society. The existence of secret armed forces, consisting of men chosen for their non-socialist political views and which could be mobilized on military initiative, in itself constituted a potential threat to the system which the officers were supposed to defend. The threat was never actualized, but there are several indications that military men involved in the internal security work were in fact willing to use the forces unconstitutionally.

Bringing Down the Educational Wall studies the causes of educational expansion in a global sample of developing and developed countries from 1960 to 2005. The book explores how the interaction between the economic context of nations (economic development and inequality) and political factors (the type of political regime and the ideology of dictatorships) influences countries' educational outcomes. The book's main contributions are the exploration of ideological differences between autocratic regimes and the tracing of changes in different parts of the income distribution, which accounts for education expanding to broad sectors of the population. Bringing Down the Educational Wall introduces a new database on the ideology of dictatorships and uses quantitative methods and case analyses to test its theoretical arguments. This work will help students in comparative politics and political economy courses to develop their understanding of redistributive policies and the effects of political factors on the expansion of education