Suchergebnisse

Die Dissertationsschrift befasst sich mit den Auswirkungen von Stressfaktoren, die durch sozialen, politischen und kulturellen Wandel in Form langsamer, gradueller Störungen als auch kurzfristiger Schocks in belasteten Stadträumen entstehen. Als Fallbeispiel dienen die Großwohnsiedlungen des Berliner Stadtbezirks Marzahn-Hellersdorf. Sie werden seit Jahren mit sich verschärfender Armut und zunehmender Segregation in Verbindung gebracht sowie mit rupturartig auftretenden Tumulten im Zuge der Ansiedlung von Menschen mit Fluchtgeschichte. Um an die jeweiligen Bedrohungslagen anzuschließen und die dabei entstehenden Dynamiken über die Zeit zu erforschen, wird mit den Regimen urbaner Resilienz ein neues analytisches Konzept erarbeitet. Dieses stellt eine strukturierende Perspektive auf die sozialräumlichen Prozesse und Kräfteverhältnisse in belasteten Stadtraumsystemen dar und gibt Einblick in die dort herrschenden Vulnerabilitäts- und Resilienzkonstruktionen. Unter Entwicklung und Anwendung dieser Perspektive fragt die Arbeit nach den relevanten Themenfeldern, die im Bezirk vor dem Hintergrund sozialräumlichen Wandels auftreten; welche Regime urbaner Resilienz sich konstituieren; sowie nach ihrer Struktur und Wechselwirkung im Kontext der jeweiligen Stressfaktoren. Das multi-methodale Forschungsvorgehen im Rahmen der Grounded Theory besteht aus der quantitativen, lexikometrischen Diskursanalyse eines Zeitungskorpus zu Marzahn-Hellersdorf, dessen qualitativer Durchdringung in ausgewählten Zeiträumen sowie dem Einbezug auto- und paraethnographischer Wissenselemente der Autorin. Die Analyse zeigt, dass Regime der Benachteiligung, Fremdenfeindlichkeit, Spaltung, Handlungsmacht, aber auch Innovation und Solidarität im Diskurs besonders heraustreten. Vor dem Hintergrund der jeweiligen Störeinflüsse unterscheiden sie sich in ihrer Dominanz, inneren Struktur und Wechselwirkung untereinander. Die Beziehungen zwischen den Regimen geben Hinweise darauf, welche Interessenslagen, Konflikte, Macht- und Deutungsverhältnisse sich unter Einfluss sozialräumlicher Krisen entwickeln und transformieren. Umgekehrt lassen die Regime Rückschlüsse auf die Art der vor Ort wirkenden Störeinflüsse zu. Sie können so erheblich zu einem erweiterten Verständnis von Stadtentwicklungsprozessen in Krisensituationen beitragen. ; The dissertation deals with the effects of slow, gradual long-burn disorders and rapid short-term shocks in disadvantaged urban districts during times of social, political and cultural change. The case study focuses on the high-rise settlements of Berlin's city district Marzahn-Hellersdorf. For years, they have been associated with worsening poverty and increasing segregation, as well as with rupture-like tumults in the course of the settlement of refugees. To address the particular threats to living conditions and to explore the upcoming dynamics over time, the Regimes of Urban Resilience are developed as a new analytical concept to frame the research process. The concept is meant to serve as a structuring perspective to socio-spatial processes in underprivileged urban districts by revealing insights into its predominant contructions of vulnerability and resilience. Following and applying this new perspective, the dissertation explores the distinct issues arising in the district over time. Furthermore, it aims to identify the predominant Regimes of Urban Resilience and to analyse the regime's structures and relational patterns against the background of long-burn disruptions and short-term shocks. The multi-methodological research design includes: a quantitative, lexicometric discourse analysis of newspaper articles dealing with Marzahn-Hellersdorf; a qualitative, theory-led coding procedure of the newspaper corpus in selected periods; the author's auto- and para-ethnographic knowledge in the research and evaluation processes. The analysis shows that regimes of disadvantage, xenophobia, division, agency, but also innovation and solidarity are particularly prominent in the discourse. Against the background of the respective disruptive influences, they differ in their dominance, internal structure and interaction with each other. The regimes' interactions indicate which interests, conflicts, power relations and scopes of interpretation develop and transform under the influence of socio-spatial crises. Conversely, the regimes allow conclusions to be drawn about the type of disruptive influences acting on site. Therefore, they can contribute significantly to a broader understanding of urban development processes in crisis situations.

Scholarly communication has been hugely impacted by the growth of open access. From the international impact of the three Bs (Budapest, 2002, Bethesda, 2003, Berlin, 2003) to the national impact of the Finch et al. (2012) report, the UKRI (RCUK, 2013) and the REF (2019) 2021 open access policy, there has been huge growth in various forms of open access publishing and dissemination. Despite this growth of openness, UK university libraries continue to sustain legacy structures for discovery and retrieval. Information continues to be framed as a commodity (Lawson et al., 2015) contained within archaic proprietary systems. This reinforces practices of information discovery and retrieval that predate contemporary approaches to scholarly publishing and creates a misalignment between the knowledge producer and knowledge discoverer. New advances in search engines and indexing have created better technology to enhance discovery of scholarly materials and by searching across and between collections, users may be able to more easily locate relevant resources. However this convenience masks the politico-economic reality that there is not and cannot be a single index for all scholarly information. Information literacy in UK higher education is a varied practice but demonstrations of subject databases and other proprietary vendor-provided information sources are a significant form of delivery. This requires librarians to teach work-arounds for comprehensive searching across multiple platforms and to describe the reasons for incomplete or inconsistent results in discovery systems like Primo Central Index and Ebsco Discovery Service. Free solutions and practices allow opportunities for less centralised resource access. We propose that the field of information literacy has a responsibility to engage with open culture to advance engagement alongside an evolving landscape of open information, discovery, and access. The opportunities for discussion in class environments provides a space to support students in their developing an understanding of open tools and resources, yet it remains unclear to what extent subject librarians are engaging with this kind of open practice in information literacy contexts. The approaches towards information literacy practices for undergraduate and taught postgraduate students need updating. Our learning communities could actively participate in developments around scholarly communications and underpinning technologies that support information discovery and access. Conceiving open culture as a process and a practice rather than a series of licenses (Moore, 2017) allows pedagogical space for subject librarians and taught students to participate in openness. This empowers taught students to think of themselves in the same space as researchers. This panel will provide an overview of experiences in aligning developments in scholarly communications with information literacy teaching. We will consider examples of approaches to teaching and systems development to support closer relationships between liaison teams and scholarly communications teams. We will outline the benefits of open culture as a practice towards students' learning outcomes and awareness of the scholarly communications landscape, strengthening the role of 'open' in the context of information literacy, drawing on our own experiences of initiatives such as InstantILL and discuss emerging themes and good practice in openness with participants.

Gegenstand dieser Arbeit sind die Möbelherstellung auf dem Gebiet des (Groß-) Herzogtums Mecklenburg-Schwerin und die vom (Groß-) Herzog Friedrich Franz I. in Auftrag gegebenen Neuausstattungen von Appartements in der Zeit vom Ende des 18. bis ins erste Viertel des 19. Jahrhunderts. Sie wurden für zwei Generationen Erbprinzen anlässlich ihrer Hochzeiten vorgenommen. Zum einen wird nach der Qualität der im Land hergestellten Tischlerwaren und nach den stilistischen Impulsen sowie ökonomischen Bedingungen ihres Entwerfens und Anfertigens gefragt. Zum anderen gilt es nachzuvollziehen und zu begründen, wie sich der (Groß-) Herzog bei den Neuausstattungen gegenüber den Tischlern seines Landes verhielt und wie diese Projekte von den bei Hof tätigen Architekten organisiert wurden. Die vorliegende Arbeit in zwei Teile gegliedert: Im ersten Teil werden zunächst die Bedingungen der Tischlerausbildung und Möbelherstellung in den Städten Mecklenburgs und den Städten im westlichen Teil der damaligen preußischen Provinz Pommern (heute Vorpommern) erarbeitet und durch Vergleich mit politisch oder wirtschaftlich verbundenen Regionen bewertet. Man gewinnt ein zwar nicht lückenloses, aber detailreiches Bild von der Situation der Mecklenburger Tischlerämter. Im zweiten Teil der vorliegenden Arbeit werden die höfischen Raumausstattungen sowie die bei ihrer Planung und Ausführung vom Herzogshaus beschrittenen Wege erläutert. Dabei wird ein Wandel in der Repräsentations- und Wohnkultur des Mecklenburger Hofes deutlich. Die (Groß-) Herzöge zwischen circa 1790 und 1840 erteilten keine großen Aufträge, um das (Tischler-) Gewerbe zu fördern, obwohl fortlaufende kriegerische Auseinandersetzungen im 18. verheerende Auswirkungen auf die Bevölkerung hatten. In der Konsequenz entwickelte sich hierzulande keine eigenständige Möbelkunst. Großherzog Friedrich Franz I. nutzte die dynastischen Verbindungen und die Kontakte seiner Architekten zu den großstädtischen Märkten für seine Projekte. ; This dissertation deals with the topics of cabinet making in the former (Grand) Dukedom Mecklenburg-Schwerin and the projects for new interior decoration of the appartments for two generations of hereditary princes. The new interiors were ordered by the (Grand) Duke Frederic Franz I. of Mecklenburg-Schwerin between 1799 and 1822 due to the upcoming marriages of the princes. For answering the questions in both the fields I consider on the one hand the quality of the produced furnitures circa 1790 and 1850. On the other hand I investigate whether the (Grand) Duke engaged the cabinetmakers of his own land for his projects or not. The question also is how interior planning and bulding were organized by the architects of the court. To address this it is necessary to study the historical documents. My text is divided into two parts. In part one, I investigate the conditions of the practical and theoretical education of the carpenters in Mecklenburg and the towns of the Western part of the former Prussian province Pomerania. Today it is part of the German federal state Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. I discuss all the still existing furniture and drawings of cabinetmaker's work for which the regions or cities where they were made are verifiable. In the end it is possible to draw a picture of the possible capability of the carpenters in the (Grand) Dukedom of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. In addition to this I compare the results to the situations in other regions which were connected by trade and the exchange of the knowledge by the craftmen. In the second part of this dissertation, the planning and organization during realisation of the court interiors will be introduced and explained. In the end it is possible to see a change in the culture of representation and court life. The (Grand) Dukes didn't support the cabinetmaker's trade by special orders in between 1799 and 1850. As a consequence in this country the art of furniture making could not prosper. Frederic Franz I. relied on dynastic relations and the contact of his architects to the international markets in Hamburg and Berlin.

Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz. He who could have united the nations of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania, yet did notRevered, fluent in all Borderland languages, an excellent soldier; Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz, back when he was a subordinate of Nikolai Yudenich, tried to rename the unit under his command to the "People's Army", or in other words, the Territorial or National Army. The territorial understanding of "Belarusness", in conjunction with the nearly atavistic antibolshevism of Bałachowicz, were a great asset in Józef Piłsudski's new political combination. Piłsudski decided to benefit from Savinkov's idealistic approach for his own purpose. The Russian Political Committee, Bałachowicz's troops and the statements of Vyacheslav Adamovich (father) were to support the establishment of Belarus for Belarusians. Not under Kaunas and Berlin, nor a Soviet one. A "Third Belarus". A Belarus friendly towards Poland. Following discussions with Savinkov, the builder of the "Third Russia", Piłsudski engaged himself after 6 March 1920 (Millerand Note) in supporting (inter alia financially) the Russian Political Committee. Based on the agreement of the Polish Supreme Command with B.V. Savinkov, all Russian formations on the Polish territory were subordinated politically to B. Savinkov. On 27 August 1920, on the orders of the Supreme Command, Bałachowicz entered a secret agreement with Savinkov. They both were also to seek convening the Constituent Assembly, providing land for the people and democracy, and to create a Union of Nations (i.e., a federation). In the event of Bałachowicz's unit succeeding "deeper into Russian territory", the local government and the administrative board were to be founded on his authority. This is how Bułak-Bałachowicz was to become the executor of the first phase of Piłsudski's new "concept for Belarus". Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz. Postać, która mogła połączyć narody byłego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, a jednak ich nie połączyłaDarzony powszechnym szacunkiem przez sobie współczesnych, posługujący się wszystkimi kresowymi językami, świetny żołnierz – Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz jeszcze jako podkomendny Mikołaja Judenicza, starał się o przemianowanie dowodzonego przez siebie oddziału na "Armię Ludową", inaczej ujmując, Armię Terytorialną lub Krajową. Terytorialnym rozumieniem "białoruskości", powiązanym z atawistycznym antybolszewizmem Bałachowicza, posłużył się Józef Piłsudski w swojej nowej kombinacji politycznej. Piłsudski postanowił wykorzystać nadarzające się romantyczne marzenie Sawinkowa o Trzeciej Rosji dla własnego celu. Rosyjski Komitet Polityczny, szable Bałachowicza i oświadczenia Wiaczesława Adamowicza ojca (Mozyrz, listopad 1920 r.) miały posłużyć do budowy – Białorusi dla Białorusinów. Nie "kowieńsko-berlińskiej" i nie "sowieckiej". "Trzeciej Białorusi". Białorusi przyjaznej Polsce. W wyniku rozmów z Sawinkowem, budowniczym "Trzeciej Rosji", po 6 marca 1920 r. (tzw. Nota Milleranda) Piłsudski zaangażował się we wspieranie (również finansowe) Rosyjskiego Komitetu Politycznego. Na podstawie umowy Polskiego Naczelnego Dowództwa z B. W. Sawinkowem wszystkie formacje rosyjskie na terytorium Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej zostały podporządkowane politycznie B. Sawinkowowi. 27 sierpnia 1920 r. z rozkazu Naczelnego Dowództwa Bałachowicz zawarł z Sawinkowem tajną umowę. Obaj z Sawinkowem dążyć mieli do zwołania w przyszłości Zgromadzenia Ustawodawczego, ziemi dla ludu, demokracji i utworzenia Związku Narodów (federacji). W przypadku posunięcia się oddziału Bułak-Bałachowicza "w głąb terytorium rosyjskiego" miały być przy nim zorganizowane samorząd lokalny i zarząd administracyjny. Właśnie w ten sposób Bułak-Bałachowicz miał być wykonawcą kolejnego "pomysłu" J. Piłsudskiego "na Białoruś".

The article highlights the issues of the common good in the ethical theory of deontological liberalism. Although contemporary liberalism is associated in main with the idea of the priority of the rights and the resulting non-intervention policy of the state in conceptions its citizens about deserve and good life, deontological liberalism does not ignore the problems of the common good. Contemporary discussions between different representatives of modern liberalism (Pettit Ph., Rawls J., Taylor Ch., Zelznіck Ph. etc.) demonstrate the importance of the idea of the common good for the development of a well-ordered and just society.Taking into account the importance of ethical justification of negative and positive freedoms and rights (I. Berlin), political ethics comes to the understanding that liberal society needs a certain set of freedoms, which are goods for citizens of state. An appeal to the Rawls`s deontological theory makes it possible to fix a list of some goods, the value of which is shared by all citizens (main human rights, freedom of movement and choice of activities, capabilities, posts in political and economic institutions, wellbeing and welfare, self-respect, health, intellect, leisure). Just this ability to be valuable to all allows us to consider these goods as common good. Accordingly, the realization of such goods allows us to build a well-organized and just society in which citizens would have opportunities for self-development and self-realization, freedom of choice and achievement of their goals in conditions of various opportunities and equal access to appointments and positions.Therefore, the common good is called upon to provide not only the preferences of citizens, but also to be the basis of the dignity and self-respect of the moral subjects in private life and in the process of realizing common goals of social life. We can see in this aspect of understanding of the common good the similarity of deontological liberalism and communitarian liberalism ; В статье освещается проблематика общего блага в этико-политической теории деонтологического либерализма. Сквозь призму современных дискуссий между представителями деонтологического либерализма и коммунитаристского либерализма демонстрируется важность идеи общего блага для развития хорошо упорядоченного и справедливого общества, в котором граждане имели бы возможности для саморазвития и самореализации, свободы выбора и достижения целей на фоне разнообразных возможностей и равного доступа к должностям. Таким образом, понятое общее благо призвано обеспечить не только предпочтения граждан, но и быть основой достоинства и самоуважения личности в частной жизни и в процессе реализации общих целей. ; В статті висвітлюється проблематика спільного блага в етико-політичнійтеорії деонтологічного лібералізму. Крізь призму сучасних дискусій між представниками деонтологічного лібералізму та комунітаристського лібералізму демонструється важливість ідеї спільного блага для розбудови добре впорядкованого та справедливого суспільства, в якому громадяни мали б можливості для саморозвитку та самореалізації, свободи вибору та досягнення цілей на тлі різноманітних можливостей та рівного доступу до посад. Таким чином зрозуміле спільне благо призване забезпечити не лише уподобання громадян, але й бути основою гідності та самоповаги особистості в приватному житті та в процесі реалізації спільних цілей.

International audience ; Notre intervention porte sur l'analyse de l'évolution d'une compagnie ferroviaire privée, la NordWestBahn —NWB—, qui a fait roulé ses premiers trains en décembre 2000, dans la partie nord orientale du land de Basse-Saxe et dont le siège est localisé à Osnabrück. A plus d'un titre, son parcours nous interpelle. La NWB appartenait à Veolia/Connex avant d'être reprise par Transdev Deutschland et elle constitue toujours sa première filiale en matière ferroviaire sur les 9 détenues en Allemagne en 2015. Mais avant de suivre la création, le lancement et le développement de cette société ferroviaire, nous ne pouvons pas faire l'économie d'évoquer le cadre institutionnel, politique et sociétal de l'Allemagne des années 1970 jusqu'à sa réunification, qui permet d'analyser beaucoup plus finement les politiques de libéralisation qui se manifestent en Europe depuis les années 1990. I. UN CONTEXTE FAVORABLE A DES INNOVATIONS FERROVIAIRES Au moment où un accord entre le Parlement européen et le conseil des ministres de l'UE sur le quatrième paquet ferroviaire vient d'être signé en 2016, qui définit un cadre juridique européen pour l'acceptation ou le refus des attributions de marchés par appel d'offres, il est important de revenir sur cette ouverture du ferroviaire en Europe et plus particulièrement en Allemagne à travers l'exemple de la NWB. La concurrence dans les transports ferroviaires, lancée tout d'abord en Grande-Bretagne en 1994 et s'inscrivant dans le paysage ferroviaire suite au démantèlement des British Rail en 1997, s'est ensuite propagée dans plusieurs pays européens, sous la houlette de la Commission de Bruxelles et de la montée du libéralisme économique. C'est dans cette optique que nous nous attacherons à retracer les spécificités de l'ouverture à la concurrence en Allemagne pour en dresser aujourd'hui un bilan. Nous prendrons comme fil conducteur de cette analyse, l'exemple de la NordWestBahn créée à la fin des années 1990, premier cas développé dans ce pays par Veolia. Cette mutation profonde du paysage ferroviaire allemand ne s'est pas faite sans la conjonction de plusieurs éléments différents qui vont en s'épaulant, permettre cette libéralisation. Nous allons en présenter les principes fondateurs. Ce n'est pas le cadrage européen en matière de libéralisation économique qui est le plus déterminant dans le processus d'ouverture à la concurrence et à la privatisation des services ferroviaires allemands, même si l'Europe à la même époque, prônait cette politique de libéralisation des services. Il est important de préciser ce point, car effectivement par la suite, l'Allemagne apparaîtra comme un modèle dans la mise en place de cette politique. Mais avant tout, il y eut un fait fondateur, à savoir la réunification de l'Allemagne en 1989, qui constitua un élément-clef pour les réformes qui se mirent en place dans l'ensemble du pays. Il y eut un avant et un après « Chute du Mur de Berlin », un passé et un futur incertain avec comme date fondatrice 1989. Ce big bang à l'échelle allemande et européenne, se traduisit par une révision des politiques conduites jusqu'alors dans les deux Etats allemands, avec un alignement sur celles de la RFA et un abandon de celles présentes jusqu'alors en RDA.

Quite a few Spaniards agreed with Manuel Azaña when he described Spanish neutrality in World War I as necessary, as a result of the country's unpreparedness. Yet neutrality was not the same than passivity, and required continuous interventions on the part of the successive Spanish governments both to resist the pressures of belligerent states and to take advantage of the economic and diplomatic opportunities offered by the conflict. From the very summer of 1914, the defense of Spanish neutrality depended heavily on the United States, the only nation whose exports could guarantee Spain's economic stability and whose support could give credit to Madrid's peace initiatives. Before 1917, Spain –as other European neutrals– relied also on the actions taken by Wilson's cabinet to check the destruction caused by German submarines and to temper the restrictions imposed by the British blockade of the North Sea. After their entrance into the war, the United States became a new and powerful agent of Allied pressures. From February 1917 to November 1918, Spain saw how the shield American neutrality had represented up to then vanished, and fell victim to a growing pressure on the part of the Allies –now with Washington's help– that reached its peak in the late summer and early fall of 1918, when the concentration government headed by Maura contemplated seriously the breaking of diplomatic relation with Berlin. ; No son pocos los que, como Manuel Azaña, calificaron la neutralidad de España frente a la I Guerra Mundial como una necesidad, fruto de la indefensión del país. Sin embargo, dicha neutralidad no significó pasividad, sino que requirió de los gobiernos españoles el arbitraje de intensas políticas destinadas tanto a contrarrestar las presiones que sobre ellos ejercían los beligerantes, como a aprovechar las oportunidades económicas y diplomáticas que la contienda les ofrecía. Desde el mismo verano de 1914, la defensa de la neutralidad española dependió en gran medida de los Estados Unidos, que se convirtieron en los garantes de la estabilidad económica de España, así como en el socio deseado de las iniciativas de mediación lanzadas desde Madrid. Antes de 1917, los españoles, como otros neutrales, se ampararon también en las acciones del gabinete de Wilson para tratar de contener la escalada de destrucción provocada por los submarinos alemanes, así como para suavizar las restricciones del bloqueo británico del mar del Norte. Sin embargo, la entrada en la guerra de los Estados Unidos convirtió a éstos en un agente nuevo, a la par que tremendamente poderoso, de las presiones aliadas. Entre febrero de 1917 y noviembre de 1918, España no sólo vio desvanecerse el escudo que para ella había supuesto la neutralidad americana, sino que, con el concurso de Washington, quedó sometida a una situación de indefensión que llegó a su punto culminante en el verano-otoño de 1918, cuando el gobierno de concentración presidido Maura consideró seriamente la ruptura de relaciones con las Potencias Centrales.

30 Págs., 7 Figs., 3 Tabls. Available online 15 September 2013. The definitive version is available at: http://link.springer.com/journal/12665 ; Soil moisture variability and the depth of water stored in the arable layer of the soil are important topics in agricultural research and rangeland management. In this study, we use the distributed rainfall-runoff (DR2) model to perform a detailed mapping of topsoil moisture status (SMS) in a mountain Mediterranean catchment. This model, previously tested in the same study area against the Palmer Z-index, is run at monthly scale for the current scenario of land uses and under three scenarios that combine the land abandonment and the application of the new common agricultural policy (CAP) of the European Union. Under the current conditions, runoff yield is scarce and presents a high spatial variability when monthly rainfall intensity and depth are low, and infiltration processes mainly lead to water storage in the soil. When rainfall intensity is high, runoff accumulation along the hillslopes controls the depth of available water in the soil, and SMS is more homogeneous. On average, scrublands and pasture have the wettest values, crops of winter cereal and abandoned fields have intermediate conditions, and areas of bare soil and forest have the driest conditions all the year around. The abandonment and no revegetation of the low productive fields located in steep areas and the collapse of their landscape linear elements (LLEs) produce not only an increase of 2.3 % of the overall SMS in the catchment in comparison with the current scenario but also an increment of the effective runoff that cross the cultivated areas of the lowlands and the runoff depth that reach the wetlands, increasing the soil erosion risk and compromising the conservation of the lakes. When the new green areas of the CAP are installed in the upper part of the fields of the lowlands and around the lakes, the runoff depth and thus siltation risk clearly decreases but also SMS decreases 1.7 and 1.1 % considering the current land uses and adding revegetation practices in the abandoned fields, respectively. Hence, a management scenario where: (1) abandoned fields are covered with a dense cover of shrubs, (2) the LLEs are preserved, (3) the green areas of the PAC are created, and (4) runoff harvesting practices are applied to partially compensate the water deficit, will help to preserve the humidity of the soil and will be of interest to keep the agricultural land use around the protected lakes of the study area. © 2013 Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg. ; This research was funded by the Projects "Erosion and redistribution of soils and nutrients in Mediterranean agroecosystems: radioisotopic tracers of sources and sinks and modeling of scenarios (EROMED) (CGL2011-25486/BTE)" of the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (former Ministry of Science and Innovation) and "Mitigation of siltation of the Estaña Lakes Wetlands (Huesca, Spain) under different scenarios of climate change: soil and water trapping effectiveness of the "green areas" of the new CAP (Expedient number 2012 GA LC 034)" of the Regional Government of Aragón (Spain) and Obra Social "la Caixa" ; Peer reviewed

Анализируются публикации современных российских историков в журналах «Вестник Тюменского государственного университета», тюменский международный альманах «Европа», «Тюменский исторический», «Вестник Челябинского государственного университета», «Известия Алтайского государственного университета», «Вестник Ишимского государственного педагогического института. История», «Ершовские чтения», посвященные проблемам внешней и военно-морской политики кайзеровской Германии. Оценивается вклад каждого из ученых в разрабатываемую тематику, раскрываются факторы, обеспечившие им успех в работе. ; Since 20 th years of XX centuries and till our time, the questions of an external political policy of the II-nd Reich and its naval component drew attention of domestic scientists. Their researches allowed creating of an extensive scientific base on a naval perspective of the German state. Feature of the present stage of development of a domestic historiography of naval policy of Kaiser Germany of the end of XIX the beginnings of the XX centuries was that Moscow and St. Petersburg lost absolute "scientific monopoly" for its lighting. Beyond the Ural not yet absolutely big, school of researchers, began to be formed gradually. It is possible to distinguish authors from Ishim of professors S.P. Shilov, S.N. Sinegubov and the Tyumen historian V.D. Ubilava. Each of them defined "specialization" in the German subject. Results of their works were found reflection on pages of the Ural-Siberian scientific periodicals which were published in 20002013. Attempts of the conclusion of the naval union between Germany and England became a subject of scientific researches of S.N. Sinegubov. On the basis of the conducted research, the scientist allocated a number of stages of negotiation process between two powers, each of them had certain features. The author emphasizes that the impossibility of adoption of the general agreement more and more fueled tension between the states, the train "crises on the verge of war" was confirmation to that. Researcher from Ishim S.P. Shi-lov paid attention to the question of the conclusion of the sea union between the German and Russian empires. According to the author, strong weakening of Russia after war with Japan of the conflicts, and also its "low-quality" command structure didn't do it by the desired ally for Germany. Propaganda activity of the naval ministry led by A. Tirpits became a subject of a number of articles of the Tyumen historian V.D. Ubilava. The researcher believes not without the bases that the creation in the naval department of special division under the name "Information Bureau" allowed lifting on qualitatively new level propaganda activities among the population. Summing up the short result, it is possible to note that for the last thirteen years on pages of the Ural-Siberian scientific periodicals there were many articles in which various parties of naval policy of Kaiser Germany were considered. In particular it is a question of the German-British negotiation process under naval and political agreements, of escalation of the relations between the states in 1904-1905, 1906-1907, 1908-1909, 1911, of consideration by official Berlin of a question of the conclusion of the sea union with Russia, of features of naval promotion in the German society at the beginning of the XX century.

This thesis is about a remarkable experience lived through by Latvian émigrés in the mid-1950s. They were the targets of a Soviet repatriation campaign, operated by the KGB, which not only envisioned their repatriation to the Soviet Latvian homeland, but also anticipated the destruction of their émigré society as they knew it. The purpose of this thesis is to portray and analyze this repatriation campaign and the émigré Latvian reactions to it. By looking at the activities of the Committee For Return to the Motherland in East Berlin, the contents of the Latvian language repatriation newspaper Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē (For Return to the Motherland), and the reactions to the campaign in contemporary émigré press, this study shows how highly developed strategies and tactics were implemented in order to elicit certain behaviors from émigrés, and how émigrés advanced their own counter-strategies to offset the effects of the campaign. More specifically, this study examines the standardized narratives in Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē that were meant for émigré self-identification and emulation. This thesis proposes that the repatriation campaign was a highly complex Soviet propaganda effort. The publicly announced goal of repatriation included several parallel goals, aims, and purposes and encompassed many types of activities. Above all, deception was used to cover the actions undertaken against émigrés and to mislead host country governments and agencies. This thesis concludes that notwithstanding the Soviet superiority in organization and resources, a small, unprotected, and internally divided community could withstand the concerted efforts of Soviet propaganda if the group's sense of mission was sufficiently strong and firm. ; Denna avhandling behandlar de lettiska flyktingarna från andra världskriget och deras erfarenheter av ofrivilliga kontakter med Sovjetlettland vid mitten av 1950-talet, då flyktingarna blev måltavla för en sovjetisk repatrieringskampanj. Målet för denna kampanj var repatriering, dvs att få flyktingarna att återvända till hemlandet, det av Sovjet ockuperade Lettland. Ett annat mål var att splittra flyktingarnas sammanhållning. Avhandlingen beskriver och analyserar den sovjetiska repatrieringskampanjen och de lettiska flyktingarnas reaktioner. Studien bygger på källmaterial från kampanjverkamheten Committee For Return to the Motherland, som hade sin bas i Östberlin, samt från artiklar i den lettiskspråkiga tidskriften Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē (For Return to the Motherland) som riktade sig till de lettiska flyktingarna. Flyktingarnas reaktioner studeras genom en rad lettiska tidningar som utgavs i Väst. Min avhandling visar hur väl utvecklade strategier användes i syfte att framkalla önskade reaktioner från flyktingarna, samt vilka motåtgärder flyktingar själva utvecklade mot repatrieringskampanjen. Mer specifikt analyseras standardberättelser i Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē som var avsedda för flyktingarnas självidentifiering och igenkännande. Avhandlingen pekar på att den sovjetiska repatrieringskampanjen var en mycket komplex propagandaverksamhet. Utöver det offentligt tillkännagivna kampanjmålet fanns flera parallella målsättningar och avsikter som omfattade en stor mängd skiftande aktiviteter. En strategi som användes aktivt var vilseledning, bl a för att dölja verksamheter riktade mot flyktingarna, och för att förvilla statsledningar och myndigheter i de nationer där flyktingarna vistades. Avhandlingens slutsats är att trots den sovjetiska överlägsenheten i organisation och resurser kunde en liten oförsvarad och inom sig splittrad lettisk gemenskap motstå de samordnade ansträngningar från den sovjetiska propagandan.

A thesis submitted to the University of Bedfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ; Today, Cambodia has gained entrée into the world via international tourism. The ingression of tourism has also been accompanied by the prowess over the projection of aspects of culture and heritage. The purpose of this emergent, soft-science inquiry into the projection and representation of Cambodia is to sift through aspects of the culture gene bank (after Horne) of the nation to corroborate testimonies associated with the industrially/institutionally-scripted representation via international tourism. The inquiry henceforth gyrates around the projective ―discourse‖ (after Foucault) of peoples, cultures and places. The study is philosophically inspired by ―perspectivism‖ of Nietzsche and ―pluralism‖ of Berlin and Connolly and methodologically actuated by constructivism of Lincoln and Guba. The study of the discursive representation is approached vis-à-vis bricoleurship and cultural/critical pedagogies of Kincheloe and multi-sitedness of Marcus. The study identifies prevailing ramifications of the Angkorean discursivity or Angkorcentrism from constitutionality to ―banality‖ (after Baudrillard) and from public to private agents. The Angkorcentricity is nestled in the mainstream politics of projection of the nation by the state, as attested in the landscaping of public places/spaces, where the state attains its primacy in the projective authority. On the one hand, the finding anent Angkorcentric representation of the nation is generally congruent with that by Winter. On the other, the study accentuates the symbolic/projective prowess of the state in harnessing the selection, production and projection of places and spaces. Another feature which sets this emergent inquiry apart from the others about Cambodia is that it delved into the performative aspects of cultures and identities, particularly in the portrayal and characterisation of ethnicities. Otherisation has been deployed (un)consciously in the performance industry and in the official projection of peoples and places. The nucleus of this inquiry is to fathom the scripting of the dominance, subjugation and silencing in representation of facets of culture gene banks of Cambodia. The dominant aspects of cultures were manifest in the cultural dressing of places and hypostatised in the form of monumental statues, pastiches of sculptures and performances. Facets of the marginalised peoples/cultures were materialised in the projection of otherness via dances, stereotypic utterance and so forth. The museumisation of places testified the discourse of ―phantasmatic Indochina‖ (in Norindr's word) in the framing and the normalisation of Cambodia. The study contributes to the existing body of knowledge in tourism studies both conceptually and methodologically. The conceptual contributions are associated with culture gene bank, performativity and normalisation. The methodological contributions are linked with the emergent study and (critical) cultural pedagogy. This emergent, soft-science study of the projective discourse of Cambodia culminated in the Foucauldian normalisation, the Bhabhan fantasmatics and the Edensorian performativity of aspects of the Hornean culture gene bank via tourism. Further studies may crescendo along these aspects (i.e. normalisation, framing, fantasmatic, performativity and so forth) to advance particularistic understanding in the respective areas.

Осуществлена попытка обобщить основные факты, касающиеся советского пространства в американских учебниках по истории. Выявлены основные подходы относительно освещения СССР в годы «холодной войны», и упоминания про Украину того периода. ; The main purpose of this article is to make some generalizations about the image of the Soviet space during the «Cold War» on the pages of American history books.In American history textbooks, which were written and published during the global confrontation, many pages were devoted to the coverage of the Soviet Union and its relations with the United States. It was a period of struggle between the two superpowers for the spheres of influence in the world for global domination. Coverage of the history of the «enemy» country was subordinate to major purposes of state propaganda. Of course, this led to one-sided view on the opposite superpower.On the pages of American textbooks Soviet Union was described as the main opponent of the American nation and the capitalist countries, such definitions as «enemy», «aggressor», «stranger», «invader» were mostly used. Soviet Union and its leaders were accused of inciting the «Cold war», in a breakaway from allied relations after the Second World War, because of Soviet leaders' suspicion and distrust to the West. The inflaming of the global confrontation was associated especially with Stalin – «Soviet despot». The different dates of the beginning of the Cold war are stated in American history textbooks. But all their variants are connected with the actions of the Soviet Union such as the division of Germany and the Berlin blockade, the expansion of Soviet influence towards the Central and South-Eastern Europe and the establishment of the national-democratic governments, testing the atomic bomb. The image of the Soviet Union as a country with imperial aspirations was formed in the minds of Americans who was taught by these books. Such definitions as «Soviet empire», «totalitarian dictatorship» were wide spread in the textbooks.The Soviet Union was mostly seen as the one country and its parts – Soviet republics were not mentioned in the most cases. However there are few textbooks in which attention was paid to the problems of the concrete republics, including Belarus, Uzbekistan and Ukraine. For example, Ukraine was mentioned more often – if to compare with other republics because it was the largest in terms of population after Russia, and was one of the largest by area. The main problems highlighted in this case were connected with a problem of Ukrainian national identity, aspirations for independence, Ukraine's participation in the UN.Thus, we can conclude that reviewed American textbooks had a lot of information about the Soviet Union, its foreign policy and about the US-SU relations. Further investigations in this field require more deep analysis of the American History educational books according to the level of education (school and university), as well as the comparison of modern and old textbooks. ; Здійснено спробу узагальнити основні факти, що стосуються радянського простору в американських підручниках з історії. Виявлені основні підходи щодо висвітлення СРСР в роки «холодної війни», та згадки про Україну того періоду.

Рассматривается политика Европейского союза в отношении конфликтов в Приднестровье, Абхазии, Южной Осетии и Нагорного Карабаха в связи с выработкой и реализацией Европейской политики соседства. Анализируются факторы, обусловливающие степень активности Европейского союза в отношении каждого из конфликтов; набор используемых Евросоюзом политических и экономических инструментов воздействия. Дается оценка влияния политики Евросоюза на процесс урегулирования конфликтов. Особое внимание уделяется роли российско-грузинской войны августа 2008 г. в миротворческой деятельности Европейского союза на пространстве СНГ. ; Implementing a more active policy towards the 'frozen conflicts' in the CIS was one of the elements of the European Neighbourhood Policy approved by the EU in 2004. It was inspired by the launch of the EU peacekeeping mechanism since 2003 and the adoption of the European Security Strategy in December 2003. Among the unresolved conflicts, the EU gave priority to the Transnistrian one. In the 2003-2005 period the EU significantly increased its participation in conflict resolution. It adopted sanctions against the Transnistrian leadership, torpedoed the Russian 'Kozak plan' of peace, sent observers to monitor the Moldova-Ukraine border, joined the multilateral negotiation mechanism, etc. However, a strong pro-Moldova stand of Brussels probably prevented the negotiations which were suspended in February 2006. The European Union continued to be passive in case of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, due to the nature of the situation, and the positions of the conflicting parties and some EU countries. It only offered political support for the OSCE Minsk Group. At the same time, the EU members succeeded in approving measures to promote the settlement of the Abkhazia and South Ossetia conflicts, but not to the same extent as it was done in the case of Transnistria. Given the deterioration of relations between Russia and Georgia in 2006, the EU tried to negotiate an additional package of confidence building measures to be implemented in the conflict zone, but it was interrupted by the Russian-Georgian war of 2008. The 2008 war encouraged the EU member states interest in the post-Soviet conflicts, but the impact of EU policy has remained low. Mediation between Moscow and Tbilisi, sending an observer mission, the co-chairmanship to "Geneva talks", funding social and economic projects and other steps have strengthened the EU presence in the Abkhazia and South Ossetia conflict area, but it was a belated action in view of Russia's recognition of the two territories. Informal multilateral negotiations on the Transnistria conflict resumed in 2007. The official negotiations restarted in 2011. The normalization of relations between Chisinau and Tiraspol urged the EU to conduct a more balanced policy. In 2010 the EU suspended the sanctions against the Transnistrian leadership. On the other hand, the EU members failed to approve the joint 'Meseberg initiative' of Berlin and Moscow that would win Russia's support in resolving the Transnistria conflict. Also, it is still unclear what impact EU-Moldova trade and visa liberalization will have on Transnistria, and how the two goals Moldova and Transnistria's reunification and Moldova's integration with the EU will correlate in EU policy. Finally, the EU as an alliance continues to be a bystander in regard to the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

ECER 2011, Urban Education. The European Conference on Educational Research 2011 took place at Freie Universität Berlin, Germany. ; Assuming that, despite the feeling that "it appears that centralized control of curriculum will remain the dominant motif in curriculum policy-making" (Kennedy, 2010, p. 15), research on centralisation versus decentralisation of the curriculum in a wide range of countries suggests that, overall, "some progress has been made" in the consolidation of school-based curriculum development (Kennedy, 2010, p. 16). According to Marsh (2010), "there are promising examples [of school-based curriculum development] emerging in many countries despite the tightening central control exerted by central authorities" (p. 295). This growing tendency to accept the idea of schools as curriculum agencies has been accompanied by an increase in the adoption of teacher evaluation and school evaluation measures in many countries, which has been interpreted by some authors as a means of strengthening control while praising schools' and teachers' curricular autonomy. Krejsler (2005) views this relationship between autonomy and evaluation in education as part of a wider phenomenon whereby a large portion of the public sector has been increasingly subject to changes "characterised by a decentralisation of decision-making as well as centralisation in the form of broad descriptions of aims and goals for public service that are controlled at the output level through quality assessment by a major expansion of detailed auditing and (self-)evaluation measures" (pp. 350-351). In order to deepen our understanding of the relationship between school-based curriculum development and school evaluation, it is important to conduct empirical research on the extent to which school evaluators focus their attention on curricular issues. This is especially important in the specific case of schools' self-evaluation, considering that the extent to which self-evaluation teams in schools emphasise curricular issues can be a good indicator of their level of ownership of the curriculum. Accordingly, some studies on that issue have recently been conducted in the Azores, Portugal (Sousa & Roldão, 2009; Sousa, 2010). The researchers found that reflection on curricular issues has been "little visible" in the self-evaluation reports produced by the schools of that region (Sousa & Roldão, 2009, p. 79). Through this paper, we intend not only to discuss the results of the analysis of more recent self-evaluation reports produced in the Azores, but also to compare those results with results of the analysis of self-evaluation reports produced by the schools of Nord-Trøndelag County, Norway. This comparison will be facilitated by the fact that the model of school self-evaluation being used in both regions is an adaptation of the Common Assessment Framework (CAF), which has been used as a self-evaluation tool by a wide range of public institutions across Europe, including schools. This tool was created in 2002 by the EU ministers responsible for public administration, in the context of the Innovative Public Services Group (IPSG). In 2010, an overall European CAF version specific to the education sector was approved by the IPSG and published. These developments of CAF clearly illustrate the above-mentioned subordination of educational policy to changes in the public sector al large (Krejsler, 2005).

ECER 2011, Urban Education. The European Conference on Educational Research 2011 took place at Freie Universität Berlin, Germany. ; Urban education - the conference theme of ECER 2011 - is a hegemonic phenomenon. Besides operating as "greenhouses for educational change and educational reform all over the world", as stated in the conference website, cities are becoming increasingly closer to a status of exclusiveness in the provision of formal education (Kvalsund, 2009). As a logical result of general changes in the geographical organization of society, the network of elementary schools in economically developed countries during the last decades has been characterized by reduction and territorial concentration (Hampl, 2000). The main causes of these phenomena include: decreases in birth rates and other demographic variables (Caldwell, 2006), pressures to close small schools for the sake of cost savings (Åbeg-Bengtsson, 2009), and a tendency to increasing the variety of specialized teachers and specific kinds of learning environments at the earliest stages of schooling (Bell & Sigsworth, 1987). This process of concentration has strongly increased the polarization of space in terms of access to elementary education, which raises issues of territorial and social inequalities (Warrington, 2005). In many countries, including Portugal and Czechia, concentration of formal education in cities has been made at the same time as the curriculum has been, to some extent, decentralized. Accordingly, legislation has called for the adaptation of national curricula to local realities through School-based Curricular Projects in the Portuguese schools and School Educational Programs in the Czech schools. Instead of being used to promote local ownership of the curriculum, those devices have frequently been viewed by local actors as useless (Řezníčková, 2009) or as a bureaucratic burden (Freire, 2005), which has frequently led to the production of formal documents that convey a stereotyped view of the local reality. In the specific case of rural schools, stereotypes sometimes consist of "folkloric" views of the rural world, which neglects the fact that nowadays "the rural world is 'impure', colonized by the urban world and by the global culture" (Sarmento, 2003, p. 65). In order to understand how the local territory is represented in rural schools' curricula, it is important to study how teachers in those schools view the local territory and the extent to which they teach knowledge about that same territory, including knowledge about its relationship with the urban world. Given the rural students' disadvantage in terms of territorial inequality, "folkloric" representations of the local territory can only contribute to worsen that same disadvantage, by failing to consider the students' culture and the fact that it is strongly influenced by the urban culture. Curricula that represent the local territories by taking their complex relationship with the urban world into consideration are, in principle, potentially more empowering to students, in terms of the development of competencies that enable them to deal with territorial inequality. In the light of these assumptions, we are studying how knowledge of the local territory is translated into local curricula in some Portuguese and Czech rural schools.