Suchergebnisse

This article introduces the concept of "achoramiento" to describe a certain type of personal and institutional behavior, which essentially consists of breaking existing social norms in order to obtain personal benefits in terms of power, prestige, and especially money. The main argument is that "achoramiento" is a vernacular concept which nonetheless disguises a more general attitude prevalent in Peru today, and which is activated by certain conditions inherent to the current neoliberal economic model: limited opportunities for legitimate social mobility, absence of legal and institutional accountability, and widespread transgression of existing social norms and legal rules (including the Constitution) by the most powerful social and political actors, including central government officials and public and private enterprises. The article concludes that "achoramiento" should be seen as an alternative strategy for social mobility, based on a Machiavellian pragmatism and the turning of human relations into sheer market relations, which is in turn the product of an economic system that is increasingly concentrating power and resources, is exclusionary, unregulated and dehumanizing. ; El presente artículo introduce la categoría de "achoramiento" para tipificar comportamientos personales e institucionales cuya esencia consiste en burlar las normas sociales, a fin de lograr beneficios personales en términos de poder, prestigio y, especialmente, dinero. Propone la hipótesis que el "achoramiento" es un concepto popular que disfraza una actitud universal, consustancial al capitalismo actual y que se pone en práctica cuando están presentes ciertas condiciones de base: escasez de oportunidades legítimas de ascenso social; frustración personal; pérdida de confianza en la vigencia de las normas y su eficacia para el ascenso social; ausencia de fiscalización y control jurídico e institucional; y transgresión de normas éticas y constitucionales por parte de actores sociales de gran relevancia económica y política, como el Estado, las empresas públicas y las empresas privadas. Finalmente, sugiere ver al "achoramiento" como una estrategia de ascenso social basada en un pragmatismo maquiavélico y en la mercantilización de las relaciones humanas, promovidas por un sistema cada vez más concentrador, excluyente, desregulado y deshumanizante.

Intro -- Contents -- Foreword by John Borrows -- Introduction: Pacific Northwest Indian Treaties in National and International Historical Perspective -- Part I - Colonial Conceits -- 1. Negotiated Sovereignty: Indian Treaties and the Acquisition of American and Canadian Territorial Rights in the Pacific Northwest -- 2. Unmaking Native Space: A Genealogy of Indian Policy, Settler Practice, and the Microtechniques of Dispossession -- Part II - Cross-Border Influences -- 3. "Trespassers on the Soil": United States v. Tom and a New Perspective on the Short History of Treaty Making in Nineteenth-Century British Columbia -- 4. The Boldt Decision in Canada: Aboriginal Treaty Rights to Fish on the Pacific -- Part III - Indigenous Iinterpretations and Responses -- 5. Performing Treaties: The Culture and Politics of Treaty Remembrance and Celebration -- 6. Reserved for Whom? : Defending and Defining Treaty Rights on the Columbia River, 1880- 1920 -- 7. Ethnogenesis and Ethnonationalism from Competing Treaty Claims -- 8. The Stevens Treaties, Indian Claims Commission Docket and the Ancient One known as Kennewick Man -- Part IV - Power Relations In Contemporary Forms -- 9. "History Wars" and Treaty Rights in Canada: A Canadian Case Study -- 10. History, Democracy, and Treaty Negotiations in British Columbia -- 11. Treaty Substitutes in the Modern Era -- Contributors -- Index.

Introduction : The Politics to Come: A History of Futurity / Arthur Bradley and Paul Fletcher -- Part 1. Promises. Chapter 1. The Messianic Now : A Secular Response / Richard Beardsworth ; Chapter 2. Politics without the Messianic or a 'Messianic without Messianism'? : A Response to Richard Beardsworth / Adam Thurschwell ; Chapter 3. A Brief Response to Adam Thurschwell's 'Politics without the Messianic or a "Messianic without Messianism"?' / Richard Beardsworth -- Part 2. Genealogies. Chapter 4. Messianic Deposition : Representation and the Flight of the Gods / Laurence Paul Hemming ; Chapter 5. Towards Perpetual Revolution : Kant on Freedom and Authority / Paul Fletcher ; Chapter 6. Hegel's Messianic Reasoning and its Theological Politics / Graham Ward ; Chapter 7. Before the Anti-Christ is Revealed : On the Katechontic Structure of Messianic Time / Michael Hoelzl ; Chapter 8. The Weakness of Our 'Messianic Power' : Kristeva on Sacrifice / Pamela Sue Anderson -- Part 3. Futures. Chapter 9. The Holocaust and the Messianic / Robert Eaglestone ; Chapter 10. Economies of P romise : On Caesar and Christ / Philip Goodchild ; Chapter 11. 'Something Unique is Afoot in Europe' : Derrida Reading Kant / Joanna Hodge ; Chapter 12. The Theocracy to Come : Deconstruction, Autoimmunity, Islam / Arthur Bradley ; Chapter 13. Violences of the Messianic / Michael Dillon -- Bibliography -- Index.

ObjectiveNational and international policies claim that young people's sports participation improves their social capital. This article is the first to examine if sports participation has a causal effect on social capital formation during adolescence and whether such effects depend on the organizational format or the type of sports practiced.MethodsPropensity score matching is employed in the analysis with possible endogeneity removed by exploiting the information in, and the structure of, the German Socio‐Economic Panel.ResultsRegular sports participation positively impacts adolescents' social capital through volunteering, helping friends, and civic involvement. Furthermore, these effects seem to develop predominantly in sports clubs (in contrast to other organizational formats).ConclusionThe empirical evidence of this study is suggestive of the relevant societal role of nonprofit clubs as institutions for practicing sport.

Ikke kun i klassisk, men også i moderne sociologi spiller begrebet om "individualisering" en helt central rolle. I nyere sociologi har ikke mindst Ziehe, Beck, Giddens og Bauman gjort individualiseringsbegrebet til et nøglebegreb i deres teorier om sen-, refleksiv og flydende modernitet. Individualiseringssociologiens betoning af frisættelse, valg og social forandring udfordres imidlertid af differentierings- og magtsociologien (Bourdieu, Dean, Rose m.fl.), der i højere grad betoner klasser, magt og social reproduktion. I artiklen søges skismaet mellem forandring og social reproduktion "overvundet" i form af et forsøg på at tænke individualiseringens differentierede former i den refleksive modernitet. Antagelsen er således, at der – afhængigt af besiddelsen af økonomisk, social og kulturel kapital – er forskel på refleksiv moderne menneskers evne til at håndtere individualiseringens krav, hvilket – med fokus på unge – illustreres med en række empiriske eksempler. Afslutningsvis peges der på muligheden af en teoretisk integration af fundamentale indsigter i såvel individualiserings- som differentieringssociologien.


ENGELSK ABSTRACT:

Klaus Rasborg: Individualization and Social Differentiation in Reflexive Modernity

The concept of "individualization" plays a central role in both classic and modern sociology. In modern sociology writers such as Ziehe, Beck, Giddens and Bauman made the concept of individualization a key concept in their theories of "late", "reflexive" and "liquid modernity". However, the emphasis which the sociology of individualization puts on "liberation", choice and social change is challenged by the sociology of differentiation and power (Bourdieu, Dean, Rose and others) with its greater emphasis on class, power and social reproduction. This article seeks to "overcome" this schism between social change and social reproduction in the form of an attempt to think the differentiated forms of individualization in reflexive modernity. The assumption is that there is a differentiation in reflexive modern people's ability to deal with the requirements of individualization, depending on their possession of economic, social and cultural capital. This is argued by means of a theoretical "reconstruction" of the insights and deficiencies of the sociology of individualization, and demonstrated – with a focus on young people – by a number of empirical examples. In conclusion, the article discusses the possibility of a theoretical integration of the fundamental insights of both the sociology of individualization and the sociology of differentiation.

Key words: Individualization, social differentiation, young people, risk, reflexive habitus.

Why should anyone care about long-dead 19th-century scientists' thoughts about the differences between women and men? And what does such a paper have to say to our contemporary concerns? I believe that knowledge of this history is invaluable to the health and progress of feminist psychology. This history, when viewed through an intersectional lens, can give us insight into the complex way in which values can constrict research questions and methods, can narrow and oversimplify what counts as "data," and can be used as a regressive instrument to shore up the sociocultural status quo. In this paper I first briefly review the context in which "Functionalism, Darwinism, and the Psychology of Women" (hereinafter Functionalism/Darwinism) was written. Then I examine what the addition of an intersectionality perspective to that work adds to our understanding of the history of the psychology of women and gender. I focus on the intersection of gender and race (and briefly touch on social class) because these were critical to 19th-century scientific justifications for existing status and power relations.

More than 20 years after the highly impacting ROSAT all-sky survey in the soft X-ray spectral range, we are close to the next major X-ray all/sky surveys with eROSITA. eROSITA will be the primary instrument on-board the Russian "Spectrum–Roentgen–Gamma" (SRG) satellite which will be launched from Baikonur in 2014 and placed in an L2 orbit. It will perform the first imaging all-sky survey in the medium energy X-ray range up to 10 keV with an unprecedented spectral and angular resolution. The eROSITA all sky X-ray survey will take place in a very different context than the ROSAT survey. There is now a wealth of complete, ongoing and planned surveys of the sky in broad range of wavelengths from the gamma, X-ray to the radio. A significant amount of science can be accomplished through the multi-frequency study of the eROSITA AGN and cluster sample, including optical confirmation and photometric redshift estimation of the eROSITA extended sources and AGNs. Optical spectroscopy has been, and will for the foreseeable future be, one of the main tools of astrophysics allowing studies of a large variety of astronomical objects over many fields of research. The fully capitalize on the eROSITA potential, a dedicated spectroscopic follow-up program is needed. 4MOST is the ideal instrument to secure the scientific success of the eROSITA X-ray survey and to overcome the small sample sizes together with selection biases that plagued past samples. The aim is to have the instrument commissioned in 2017, well matched to the data releases of eROSITA and Gaia. The design and implementation of the 4MOST facility simulator aimed to optimize the science output for eROSITA is described in necessary details.

Este texto nos acerca al concepto y las categorías de lo que entendemos por Cohesión Social.

Between two coups d'état, the first in 1926 and the second in 1974, Europe's longest-running dictatorship in Contemporary history held power for forty-eight years in an undivided manner. The scope of the authoritarian regime was wide, affecting politics, economy, society and culture. Among all the social groups linked to the cultural sphere, all subjects to an acute state vigi-lance, the example of historians is helpful to show how the power took control of the world of knowledge. While the figure of the historian was in the course of professionalization and was increasingly associated with a university chair after co-option by peers, power was added to the process. Clearly adopting a political criterion, the regime altered the modus operandi of the his-torical community. Faced with a firm power, historians adopted a plurality of attitudes that can be analysed through two proportionally dominant postures: political accommodation and opposition to power. United by the taste for history and the desire to write it, the successive study of the two main positions allows us to explain the differentiated positions within the fragile historical community in terms of access to a stable professional status, in terms of governmental fi-nancial support for research or, on the contrary, in terms of the obstacles to historical practice, and in terms of the historiographic choices made. On the one hand, accommodated historians benefited from many amenities such as privileged access to the Portuguese university, to insti-tutions supported by the regime, and to funds for research abroad and in the country. On the other hand, the control of the political police and censorship may have complicated historical practice. ; Entre deux coups d'État, le premier en 1926 et le second en 1974, la plus longue dictature européenne de la période contemporaine a détenu pendant quarante-huit années le pouvoir sans partage. Le champ d'action du régime autoritaire a été ample, affectant aussi bien le politique, l'économie, la société et la ...