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One of the goals of the National Development is community empowerment programs. Mojokerto Government has made the empowerment program, known as the Local Economic Development Women's Empowerment (P3EL). This program was to empower women to increase their income. They came from the P3EL group who produced cakes / snacks / local bakery. The objectives of this program: 1) supplying proofer tool, a tool to expand the dough and biscuit maker tool of 6 (six) furnaces. 2) Mentoring the ability to manage the business, making media marketing, in term of banner. The applied method consisted of identifying the crucial issues to settle immediately including the energy efficient, time and cost; conducting training and assisting on business development management and simple bookkeeping; conducting training on marketing techniques and strategies; creating marketing media in the form of banners. The results and implications were 2 proofer machine, 1 mold tool 6 furnaces and banner have been handed over to the SMEs; business management training. The implication of the program was that there was an increase in productivity of SMEs and understanding and having knowledge in business management and business management.Keyword: Empowerment, Women, Improvement, Income, Family

The Panel Report in Ukraine - Passenger Cars provides an opportunity to revisit an old debate over the role of safeguard measures in the WTO. With regard to the legal findings, the panel followed the established jurisprudence in this area, and found a number of violations of the Safeguards Agreement. With regard to the economics, we delve more deeply into the economic and political background of the safeguards investigation. Ukraine was hit by the economic crisis shortly after its WTO accession that significantly liberalized import tariffs on passenger cars. Next, we offer a de novo look at the injury and causation issues in this case, and discuss the challenges of an industry reliant on offshored production that sees a safeguard as a mechanism to attract FDI for production. We conclude with an assessment of the operation of the WTO's safeguards regime, along with some tentative suggestions for reform. Overall, our examination of the economic analysis by the investigating authority and the legal review by the WTO panel raises questions about particular aspects of the domestic and WTO processes, but concludes that the system worked well in this case.

In Lim Meng Suang v Attorney-General (2014), the Singapore Court of Appeal held that s 377A of the Penal Code, which criminalises acts of "gross indecency" between men whether occurring in public or private, does not infringe either the rights to equality and equal protection guaranteed by Art 12(1), or the rights to life and personal liberty guaranteed by Art 9(1) of the Constitution. This article examines the analyses of the latter provision by the Court of Appeal in Lim Meng Suang, and by the High Court in Tan Eng Hong v Attorney-General (2013) which was one of the two cases brought before the Court of Appeal. It is submitted the courts interpreted Art 9(1) narrowly due to the belief that it is not their role to subject government policies to rigorous constitutional scrutiny for compliance with fundamental liberties, particularly where such policies are seen as dealing with socially controversial issues. However, the time is ripe for the Court to discover afresh its role as a coequal branch of the government.

Independent federal agencies occupy a special constitutional position in the governmental structure. Their stock-in-trade is the expert, apolitical resolution of regulatory issues. They are supposedly "independent" of the political will of the executive branch. Because most are multi-member organizations, they are also perceived as accommodating diverse views and able to prevent extreme outcomes through the compromise inherent in the process of collegial decision-making. But such a view is not universally held. A well known examination of such agencies in the 1930s described them uncharitably as a "headless 'fourth branch' of government, a haphazard deposit of irresponsible agencies and uncoordinated powers." Most modern independent agencies, in fact, are not simply impartial government referees. Nonetheless, as Justice Breyer has suggested, they possess "comparative freedom from ballot box control" and "enjoy an independence expressly designed to insulate them, to a degree, from the 'exercise of political oversight . . .'" that affects cabinet or cabinet like executive agencies. So, precisely what is the place of independent agencies today, and what does their role in the governmental structure mean for public lawyers?

Freight transport is a challenging economic sector, as it is essential for the functioning ofproduction and distribution systems but and the same time is at the origin of many nuisances such as congestion, greenhouse gas emissions, pollution and noise. When responding to these issues, planners dispose nowadays of a growing body of freight data that can be used for the implementation of policies towards achieving smart mobility. Because contrary to current practice and dominant discourse, smart mobility is not just a matter of passengers: it also largely relies on more sustainable freight plays an transport. Policy makers see in those new sources of data an opportunity to increase their knowledge on freight transport as well as to have suitable decision support tools to the choices they need to make. In developed countries this trend isillustrated by the increasing requirement of data by recent legislation on freight transport. But these data are not always easily available, and when they are, they are not necessarily adapted to the needs of practitioners. This mismatch partly results in a lack of dialogue between researchers and practitioners, that this special issue intends to promote.

There is an extensive literature in political science concerning policy networks, with divergent interpretations given to this term. The present paper examines the way in which networks are used by the EU in policy delivery in the light of the literature concerning networks and the global order, and global administrative law. The paper begins by examining some of this prominent literature. In part two the focus shifts to networks concerned with policy delivery in the EU. The terrain is mapped, there is analysis of different types of networks and the reasons why they are chosen. It is argued in part three that networks are properly regarded as one part of shared administration in the EU. The discussion in part four considers the rationale for use of networks in relation to policy delivery, to be followed in part five by analysis of the particular features of these EU networks. Part six is concerned with issues of legitimacy and accountability posed by networks in the EU. The paper concludes by considering the lessons that can be learned about networks on the global level from experience within the EU.

The finding that the preferences of middle-income Americans are ignored when they diverge from the preferences of the rich is one of the most widely accepted and influential conclusions in political science research today. I offer a cautionary note regarding this conclusion. I demonstrate that even on those issues for which the preferences of the wealthy and those in the middle diverge, policy ends up about where we would expect if policymakers represented the middle class and ignored the affluent. This result emerges because even when middle- and high-income groups express different levels of support for a policy (i.e., a preference gap exists), the policies that receive the most (least) support among the middle typically receive the most (least) support among the affluent (i.e., relative policy support is often equivalent). As a result, the opportunity of unequal representation of the "average citizen" is much less than previously thought. The analysis also shows, however, that substantial opportunity exists for unequal representation of strong partisan preferences. Together, these results reinforce the importance of party identification for understanding policy outcomes and who gets represented.

For many years, the EU's legislation on animal testing and marketing bans regarding cosmetic products and their ingredients has been giving rise to controversy. First, the bans were introduced under the regime of the Cosmetics Directive, which was subsequently replaced by Regulation (EC) No. 1223/2009 on cosmetic products (hereinafter "EU Cosmetics Regulation"). In this process, the animal testing and marketing bans of Article 4a of the Cosmetics Directive were transferred – with identical content and largely with the same wording – to Article 18 of the EU Cosmetics Regulation, so that the legal issues connected with the bans have basically remained the same. Since the transitional periods for the application of the bans ended on 11 March 2009 and 11 March 2013 (for details, see Article 18(2) of EU Cosmetics Regulation), and the bans as provided by Article 18(1) of the EU Cosmetics Regulation are binding and directly applicable in the EU Member States, they must be observed by the affected businesses as of now. Violations are to be sanctioned in the Member States in an effective, proportionate and dissuasive manner (Article 37 of EU Cosmetics Regulation).

This special issue studies the strategic interaction between major state-wide and regional parties in a political setting defined by multiple, potentially cross-cutting, political issues pertaining to the economy and the territorial organization of multi-national states. Through this framework, this special issue locates itself decisively in the behaviorist tradition of studying political competition. Stemming from the classical works of Riker and the Rochester school, and focusing on rational choice models, this tradition has influenced a lively literature on party strategies. This concluding article of the special issue argues that the findings of the substantive contributions create a bridge between the strategic, Rikerian literature they stem from and seek to engage with, and more sociological approaches to the study of political parties that focus on the structural features of politics reaching back to the works of Lipset and Rokkan. I suggest that, ultimately, this special issue demonstrates the socially, historically, and institutionally bounded opportunities of political parties. Fundamentally, the special issue makes a significant contribution to the strategic literature by suggesting structural limits to strategic behavior.

On the basis of an electoral ethnography done in an urban periphery of Delhi, this article presents an interpretive account of Indian national elections 2014. At a time when sovereignty travels to a locality—in this case an unauthorized settlement known as Sangam Vihar—how do people deliberate on the act of voting? Sangam Vihar also faces severe segregation and restrictions on access to services such as water on account of its illegality and it's being 'off' the city's authorized master plan. In a locality such as this, how do its marginal citizens act in context-bound ways? What do they make of the larger national phenomena, such as the national elections, as it plays out in their neighbourhood? Listening to people's responses on issues they consider important as they are about to make their decision, following political rallies and meetings and interviewing political actors, the author put together voices in three 'arenas' or sites of democracy. These arenas are more of a heuristic device and help at once aggregate what the author hears. They help the author to present an idea of democracy, where citizens assert their differences to create a plural public sphere.

Little is known about the influences of peers on the sexual activity of adolescents in sub‐Saharan Africa. Better understanding of these issues could lead to more effective sexual and reproductive health interventions. Using two waves of survey data from 1,275 adolescents in two southeastern Ghanaian towns, we examine age, sex, and community differences in peer group characteristics. We also examine prospective associations between peer group characteristics and self‐reported sexual initiation and multiple partnerships during a 20‐month follow‐up period. Sex differences in peer‐context variables were small. Affiliation with antisocial peers and perceived peer norms favoring sex increased the odds of transition to first sex. Having more friends increased the odds among younger respondents of acquiring multiple new sexual partners. Among males, perceived peer norms favoring sex increased the odds of acquiring multiple partners. We discuss the implications of these findings for adolescent sexual and reproductive health intervention strategies in sub‐Saharan Africa, and conclude that peer‐based interventions may be best suited to the needs of at‐risk adolescent boys.

This study explored solutions to the issue of burnout and retention of Extension agents. Extension agents experience burnout for reasons such as long hours, stress, and organizational factors. As Extension administration addresses job satisfaction and performance of Extension employees, burnout and retention issues identified in this study can facilitate efforts to enhance the effectiveness of a statewide Extension program. Herzberg's Motivation-Hygiene Theory was the theoretical framework for this study. Researchers used the constant-comparative method of analysis to identify recurring themes from the open-ended items of an online-administered survey. Twelve primary themes emerged, including (a) compensation, (b) hiring practices, (c) promotion and advancement within Extension, (d) organizational support regarding agent development, (e) organizational support regarding administration, (f) organizational support regarding colleagues, (g) reporting, (h) recognition, (i) resources, (j) personnel and staffing, (k) evaluation of administration and specialists, and (l) workload. Results suggest that Extension administration should focus on the maintenance factors of compensation, workload, and internal promotion and advancement, as well as motivating factors, to improve retention of Extension agents.

The use of electronic documents signed with electronic signatures as evidence different from the evidence set in the Civil Code, because the level of originality or authenticity still need to be proven in advance, or in other words to have some reservations to the electronic evidence has the force of law, This study aims to determine the validity of electronic signatures in the proof of Indonesian civil procedure law, as well as to determine the civil dispute resolution efforts towards electronic document signed by electronic signature. Writing this using normative legal research, making use of existing legal library materials and the linkage with the issues to be investigated. The conclusions of this research is said to be valid electronic signature when using electronic systems in accordance with the applicable legislation, namely the Law on Information and Electronic Transactions Article 16 Paragraph (1), the expert testimony is also one of the elements that are considered essential for the process examination because it provides an explanation regarding the authenticity or the authenticity of the evidence that an electronic signature submitted.

The focus of research on how the sanctions provisions of pornography in view of positive law and Islamic law. The study used juridical approach by examining the legislation that has to do with pornography. In addition, this study also uses a conceptual approach that comes from the views and doctrines developed in jurisprudence. The author found the ideas that gave birth to the law, legal concepts, and principles of the law relevant to the issues faced. The results of this study indicate that pornography in the Perspective of Islamic law, is everything that has always been associated with the gestures of erotic and / or sensual of women and / or men to arouse lust. It also includes an erotic or sensual act of revolting, disgusting, or humiliating the person who saw it. Meanwhile, in the positive law categorized as prohibited and may be subject to criminal sanctions. Judging from Act No. 44 In 2008, the sanctions are categorized on the actions that produce, produce, reproduce, mengandakan, disseminate, broadcast, importing, exporting, offering, reselling, renting or providing pornography. In Islamic law, sanctions / law such activity is forbidden.

The European Central Bank (ECB) increased the emergency liquidity assistance (ELA) for Greek banks from €50 billion in February 2015 to approximately €90 billion in June 2015. Its actions were accompanied by a discussion among academics, politicians and practitioners regarding the legitimacy of the ELA. Some have even accused the ECB of deliberately delaying the bankruptcy filing of already insolvent Greek banks. We take the claim regarding insolvency delay as an opportunity to highlight the underlying economics of the ELA program and discuss its legitimacy in the current situation. We start by characterizing the complex interrelationship of the European Union, the ECB and the Greek banks through the lens of financial economics, with a particular focus on the political economy of a monetary union with incomplete fiscal union (or fiscal consolidation). Combining these two issues, we examine the decision of the ECB to continue the provision of ELA to Greek banks. Our conclusions, drawn from the analysis, do not support the claim that the ECB's actions are consistent with a delayed filing for insolvency.