Suchergebnisse

Over the past three decades, processes of assessing and governing mental healthcare have emerged at the European Union level. Consisting almost entirely of 'soft law' instruments, EU mental health governance (EUMHG) has incorporated policy-makers, mental healthcare providers, research scientists, non-governmental organizations, and patients and families across Europe in processes of mental health governance. This paper explores the role of the European Commission in EUMHG. It proposes that recent attempts to theorise the Commission's role in European integration over-emphasise EU-level institutional relations and thus neglect the knowledge relations that are central to policy areas such as mental health. It therefore adopts an analytic framework based on Actor Network Theory that enables more accurate understanding of those relations. Applying this framework to EUMHG over time, it identifies three distinct networks that have emerged in EUMHG, all built via Commission initiatives. This analysis reveals the Commission's central but not independent role in EUMHG's survival, and illustrates how different kinds of actors held 'expert' roles in EUMHG depending on the way in mental (ill) health was problematised in EUMHG. The paper therefore suggests a new concern regarding the nature of 'soft' EU law, namely, its influence on knowledge and authority in transnationally constructed policy.

The purpose of this work is to analyse the relationship between the European Union and Cuba from a historical-legal approach. Since the process to conclude the first legal link –Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement–, between Havana and Brussels was opened in 2014, the two methods, which sometimes were opposed, the European one with a pragmatic diplomacy, and the North-American with its isolation, have tried to align positions towards the same objective: to accelerate the political transition of the country. Despite the efforts, the Cuban authorities continue insisting on a traditional view that could weaken what has been achieved so far. ; El objeto de este trabajo es analizar las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y Cuba desde una perspectiva histórico-jurídica. Desde que en 2014 se abriese el proceso de conclusión del primer vínculo jurídico entre La Habana y Bruselas –el Acuerdo de Diálogo Político y Cooperación–, los dos métodos, a veces antagónicos, el europeo, con la diplomacia pragmática, y el norteamericano, con el aislamiento, han ido acercando posturas hacia el mismo objetivo: acelerar la transición política del país. A pesar de los esfuerzos, las autoridades cubanas siguen enrocadas en una visión tradicional que puede llegar a debilitar lo conseguido hasta el momento.

European integration is process that has rules which must be followed from all aspirant countries, as well as with a great dedication to the process. Kosovo and its integration into the European Union, has in front very difficult road to be passed. Main objectives of Kosovo is being member of European Union. To achieve that, threshold mentioned in articles 49 and 6 of European Union Treaty should be passed. Being part of European Union, Kosovo must respect all principles mentioned in article 6.
Function of rule of law system is very important for economic development of Kosovo and its integration in European Union. Even there exists commitment from Governmental institutions of Kosovo for empowering rule of law, problems and challenges that Kosovo faces in this field are complex and much more in number, and much more must be invested in all types of resources in order to achieve requested corrections. Legal system of Kosovo still can be described as one of the most complex systems and that represents obstructions for security and legal clearance. As multidimensional process, complex and dynamic, integration process is based in the fact that even European Union together with its institutional structures are in ongoing reforms. Reforms process is requested for the reason of continuously integrations processes of new countries in European Union structures. European Union today faces big challenges, in one side there is challenge of democratic, politic and economic control of candidate countries and in other side internal reforms for its own structures. Today, very important issue of Kosovo is European Integration process. Based in main objectives and achievements that Kosovo has made in this direction, large institutional commitment exists for this process. Especially there are many economic challenges for Kosovo including implementation of CEFTA Agreement, as pre-entrance instrument in European Union.

This article describes and analyzes the complex relationship between Turkey, Germany, and the European Union over the past half-century. It asks why numerous other countries have jumped the queue and managed to gain entry, whereas Turkey has been left knocking at the door, presented with increasing obstacles through which it must pass. The role of Islam is examined as a motivating factor in the exclusion of Turkey. Also, the historical memory of the Ottoman Empire's relationship with Europe is discussed. The mixed reception and perceived problems of integration of the large population of people from Turkey and their descendants who arrived in the 1960s as "guestworkers" is put forth as a key obstacle to Turkey's admission to the European Union. Contradictions in policies and perceptions are highlighted as further impediments to accession.

Der vorliegende Beitrag geht der Frage nach, ob eine mögliche EU-Mitgliedschaft von Zypern dazu beitragen kann, den Konflikt auf der Insel zu lösen, oder aber ob er sich dadurch verschärft. Der Hauptzweck dieses Beitrages ist es zu untersuchen, ob und in welchem Umfang die EU-Mitgliedschaft als ein Katalysator für eine Lösung des Zypern-Problems dienen kann. Das Hauptargument ist, dass es trotz der vielen negativen Anmerkung zum EU-Beitritt auch viele positive Einschätzungen gibt, die davon ausgehen, dass der EU-Beitritt langfristig allen Beteiligten, also den griechischen und türkischen Zyprioten und der Türkei, Vorteile bringt. Außerdem wird argumentiert, dass die EU im Falle einer Mitgliedschaft Zyperns und der Türkei in der Lage wäre, den notwendigen ökonomischen und (sicherheits)politischen Rahmen zu bilden, um zu einer Lösung der Zypernfrage zu gelangen. (ICD)

This book provides a post-crisis perspective on European politics by studying interactions within and among related domestic and EU political spheres. The contributors focus on political dynamics associated with the policy decisions and outcomes of crisis response in all three domains: EU institutions, public policy, and democratic politics.