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Two important themes in the literature on the United States Congress are that members experience difficulty transacting complex technical legislation – because most are not experts – and that they make their decisions on the basis of what will help them win re-election, by following the economic preferences of their interest group or electoral constituencies. The few writers who have examined congressional decisionmaking on financial institutions regulatory policy have generally accepted the conventional re-election premise and argued that legislators follow the economic preferences of their interest group of electoral constituencies. Using a case study of how members of a House committee make decisions on complex financial institutions regulatory policy, the article offers an alternative political explanation which takes better account of the complexity of congressional decisionmaking and the specific nature of the policy issues which are decided. Through a close analysis of internal committee politics, the research demonstrates the crucial roles played by subject specialists and the importance of party-mediated cue-passing.

Exploring Education Policy Through Newspapers and Social Media offers an original, theorised, and empirically based account of contemporary (re)presentations, (re)articulations, and (re)imaginings of education policy through news and new media. In its thorough exploration of the uses and effects of newspapers and Twitter in education policy, the book provides a detailed, research-based account of media influences, and opens up multiple future research agendas in media sociology and policy sociology in education. The authors place an important, analytical focus on mediatisation and social mediatisation or deep mediatisation, and how both have effects and affects in education policy and politics. Their analyses situate these, sociologically, within changing societies, changing media, and changing education policy. The book also explores the effects of datafication and digitalisation of the social in all forms of media and their manifestations in morphing imbrications between the global, the national, and the local in education policies. This book will be of great interest to researchers, scholars, and higher degree research students in the domains of media sociology and policy sociology of education. It also will be of interest to policymakers and politicians in education, teacher unions, and education activists, journalists, and those concerned about the impacts of the decline in legacy media and the surveillance and commercialisation possibilities of new media.

Bringing together historians, political scientists, and literary analysts, this volume shows how biographical narratives can shed light on alternative, little known or under-researched aspects of state power in African politics. Part 1 shows how biographical narratives breathe new life into subjects who, upon decolonization, had been reduced to silence - women, workers, and radical politicians. The contributors analyze the complex relationship between biographical narratives and power, questioning either the power of biographical codes peculiar to western, colonial origins, or the power to shape public memory. Part 2 reflects on the act of (auto-)biography writing as an exercise of power, one that blurs the lines between truth and invention. (Auto-)biographical narratives appear as politicized, ambiguous stories. Part 3 focuses on female leadership during and after colonization, exploring on how women gained, lost, or reinvented "power". Brought together, the contributions of this volume show that the function of biographical narratives should no longer oscillate between romanticized narratives and historical evidence; their varied formats all offer fruitful opportunities for a multidisciplinary dialogue. This book will be of interest to scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds working on the African postcolonial state, the decolonization process, women's and gender studies, and biography writing.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of figures -- Notes on contributors -- Acknowledgements -- 1. Migration and the contested politics of justice: An introduction -- PART 1: Controversies of Governance and Justice -- 2. Controversies, paradoxes and contested justice in European policies on migration -- 3. Struggles and repair work in the wake of 2015 -- 4. The global compact for migration: Patterns of contestation and critical justice assessment -- PART 2: Confronting the border and the governance of migration -- 5. A welcome for eight months: Europe, the summer of migration, and global justice -- 6. Central American caravans and contesting forms of migrant justice: Sovereign violence and multiple forms of confinement in question -- 7. Towards an aerial geography of forced migration -- PART 3: Restructuring the social -- 8. The post-socialist posted worker: Social reproduction and the geography of class struggles -- 9. "The spirit of Europe": Differential migration, labour and logistification -- 10. From vulnerable victims to insurgent caravaneros : The genesis and consolidation of a new form of migrant self-defence in America -- 11. The global ethical implications of European policies towards migrants and the issue of religion -- Afterword -- 12. Toward an archive of migrant struggles: Critique and the materiality of justice -- Index.

For decades after World War II, Japan chose to focus on soft power and economic diplomacy alongside a close alliance with the United States, eschewing a potential leadership role in regional and global security. Since the end of the Cold War, and especially since the rise of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Japan's military capabilities have resurged. In this analysis of Japan's changing military policy, Andrew L. Oros shows how a gradual awakening to new security challenges has culminated in the multifaceted "security renaissance" of the past decade.Despite openness to new approaches, however, three historical legacies—contested memories of the Pacific War and Imperial Japan, postwar anti-militarist convictions, and an unequal relationship with the United States—play an outsized role. In Japan's Security Renaissance Oros argues that Japan's future security policies will continue to be shaped by these legacies, which Japanese leaders have struggled to address. He argues that claims of rising nationalism in Japan are overstated, but there has been a discernable shift favoring the conservative Abe and his Liberal Democratic Party. Bringing together Japanese domestic politics with the broader geopolitical landscape of East Asia and the world, Japan's Security Renaissance provides guidance on this century's emerging international dynamics.

This book explores the making of public policy for Hong Kong between 1918 and 1958. During much of this period the Hong Kong government had limited policy-making capabilities. Many new policies followed initiatives either from the Colonial Office or from politicians in Hong Kong. This book examines the balance of political power determining how such decisions were reached and who wielded the most influence-the Hong Kong or British governments, or the politicians. Gradually, the Hong Kong government, through implementing new policies, improved its own policy-making capabilities and gained the ability to exercise greater autonomy. The policy areas covered by this book include the implementation of rent controls in 1922, the management of Hong Kong's currency from 1929 to 1936, the resolution of the financial dispute over matters arising from World War II, the origins of Hong Kong's public housing and squatter resettlement policies, negotiations over Hong Kong's contribution to its defence costs, and the background to the granting of formal financial autonomy in 1958. Governors, Politics and the Colonial Office will be of interest to historians and political scientists, and to anyone with a general interest in the social, economic and political development of Hong Kong.

"This book explores the making of public policy for Hong Kong between 1918 and 1958. During much of this period, the Hong Kong government had limited policy-making capabilities. Many new policies followed initiatives either from the Colonial Office or from politicians in Hong Kong. This book examines the balance of political power influencing how such decisions were reached and who wielded the most influence--the Hong Kong or British governments or the politicians. Gradually, the Hong Kong government, through implementing new policies, improved its own policy-making capabilities and gained the ability to exercise greater autonomy. The policy areas covered by this book include the implementation of rent controls in 1922, the management of Hong Kong's currency from 1929 to 1936, the resolution of the financial dispute over matters arising from World War II, the origins of Hong Kong's public housing and permanent squatter resettlement policies, negotiations over Hong Kong's contribution to its defence costs and the background to the granting of formal financial autonomy in 1958. Governors, Politics and the Colonial Office will be of interest to historians and political scientists, and to anyone with a general interest in the social, economic and political development of Hong Kong."--Project Muse.

The project of liberatory education is fraught with complications in a Small Liberal Arts College or SLAC environment. Authors bell hooks and Paulo Freire look to an ethics of care, love, and mutual restoration of humanity through teaching openly and freely. My initial teaching experiences as an assistant professor revealed that this liberatory aim could not be fulfilled at the college campus, so I taught in a prison college education program. The goals of this article are: 1) to elucidate the complicated relationship that a woman faculty of color at the intersections of multiple identities has in adjusting to the SLAC environment; 2) to expound upon my weekly exit from campus and entry into prison education as a vehicle to advance institutional goals for outreach and social justice; 3) to interrogate prison education epistemologies and describe the counternarratives and practical strategies developed in a course on Race and Politics in Brazil to decolonize the curriculum; and 4) to express the realities of teaching a Black-centered, intersectional course in an all-male maximum security prison setting. It was through this practical prison teaching experience that I stretched the limits of my practice of education and found a temporary home in which to do so.

© 2020, © 2020 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. This article examines the politics of narrating feminist and queer histories in contemporary China. Focusing on Zhao Jing and Shi Tou's 2015 film, We Are Here, a documentary made to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the Fourth United Nations World Conference on Women, I examine how the film represents queer women's history in China and in what discourses such a representation is situated. I contend that the processes of remembrance and forgetting are intertwined in narrating queer women's history in China. Indeed, while the film successfully recovers a hidden queer history, it also risks erasing the history of socialist and Marxist feminism, as well as China's socialist legacies at large. I suggest that we should think about Chinese feminist and queer movements in terms of continuities and ruptures by paying attention to their articulations to different transnational discourses at specific historical conjunctures. While We Are Here convincingly addresses the transnational influence from liberal feminism, it is also necessary to call attention to the legacies of socialist and Marxist feminism in China and transnationally in contemporary feminist and queer historiography and mediated memories.

While the turn towards materiality over the course of the last decade has enriched studies of security in a variety of ways, the security field continues to pose challenges for materially oriented thinking. This article argues that while recent materially oriented work on security has been concerned with events, working through the question of the event as a central analytical strategy is a promising way of addressing such challenges and developing broader insights. The article develops this argument by working through a particular event, the killing of the former Russian security agent Alexander Litvinenko in London in 2006 by means of the radioactive element polonium 210. Approaching the event via the archive and report of the public inquiry that subsequently took place into it, and reflecting further on the utility of Bruno Latour's idea of dingpolitik for materially oriented work on security, the article explores transformations of materiality, politics and publicity, and draws out how polonium 210 came to figure in the killing and the inquiry as actant, trace and evidence. In conclusion, the article reflects on the conceptual value of working through events and the methodological issues raised in the analysis.

The goal of the paper is to analyse fake news concerning politics within the context of mediatization process. The analysis takes the form of the case studies and is devoted to fake news and is focussed on three cases of the fake news dissemination: possession of the weapons of mass destruction by Saddam Hussein's regime; an accusation of Hillary Clinton of the trade in arms with ISIS; alleged murder of the Russian journalist Arkady Babchenko. Moreover, the origin, specificity, forms and the meaning of fake news have been discussed, together with the role of fake news in the process of public opinion shaping. On the basis of the analysed cases, it is concluded that the origin of the political fake news is often related to the political actors' needs and interests, and that the goal of the fake news dissemination is to win a political battle or to escalate political conflict. Political parties, intelligence agencies, and secret service often serve as the originators of fake news. Public opinion and public moods are prone to be influenced by fake news, which can lead to the significant changes in social and political situation. In some extreme cases, fake news can even provoke military actions.

In modern democracies, nonprofit organizations and social enterprises have a relevant political role that may be threatened by the entry into the market of services. This risk increases in time of economic crisis, when the competition grows stronger and the economic needs become more urgent. Starting from this assumption, the article analyzes the relationship between the managerial strategies and the political role of the Italian third sector, focusing on the implications of the management models put in place in order to &ldquo ; survive&rdquo ; the 2008 economic crisis. Two ideal-typical strategies will be outlined, labelled respectively &ldquo ; entrepreneurial turn&rdquo ; and &ldquo ; hyper-embeddedness&rdquo ; which seem to have effects both in terms of the manner in which the political role is realized, and in terms of the degree of politicization of the organizations. Since such strategies can both increase or decrease nonprofits&rsquo ; political ambitions, it is not possible to give an interpretation in terms of a tout court distancing from politics. However, it will be argued that a trait common to all the trajectories is the withdrawal from what Mouffe defines &ldquo ; the political&rdquo ; referring specifically to the dimension of conflict and antagonism.

AbstractOn June 28, 2010, Nigerian President Jonathan announced that he had set up a Facebook page. Within a few days, his first post garnered 1,344 likes and more than 2,139 comments. This article examines how Nigerians use social media to interact with the state. It asks: How does social media facilitate conversations on what constitutes a national resource? How is social media creating citizens who are simultaneously anonymous and visible? It suggests that Facebook and other sites on which Jonathan established online presences were constructed as political spaces to interact with the youth of Nigeria, molding that constituency into loyal social media citizens ready to align with his aspirations. It also describes social media as sites on which the politics of claim‐making produce the social mediation of oil as a commonwealth in Nigeria. The use of the term "social media citizens" is anchored in the fluidity of citizenship. Jonathan's use of Facebook as both public and political spaces elevated the site to a national forum on a resource whose distribution must benefit all Nigerians: oil. The article suggests further that social media can serve as a site on which social media citizens can critique how the state manages and distributes oil.

The fossil fuel divestment movement is at the forefront of civil society initiatives to raise public consciousness about the need for a "fossil‐free" future. Through the lens of the social movement literature, this article shows how the movement has harnessed grassroots activists, engaged in innovative and sometimes disruptive forms of protest, and used cognitive framing and symbolic politics to gain media interest and persuade the public of the importance and legitimacy of its claims as well as to promote a new social norm. The relative instrumental, structural, and discursive power of the movement and its adversaries is also examined, showing how, notwithstanding the fossil fuel industry's deeply embedded structural and instrumental power, the movement has managed to shift the contest onto a terrain where it holds a comparative advantage. Finally, the movement's role in nonstate climate governance is considered, taking account of its interactions with and impact on a range of other climate actors. This article's conclusion is that climate governance is not only an instrumental or pragmatic process of mandating changes in behavior but an expressive and symbolic one of nurturing a new norm and institutionalizing a new set of moral principles.