Suchergebnisse

In the first part of this work, combined heat and power (CHP) criteria pertaining to energy, exergy, environmental (pollutant emission) and economic aspects, have been investigated and compared. Although the constraints in legislation usually refer to energy efficiency, primary energy savings and greenhouse gas savings, other criteria should also be taken into account in order to obtain a better evaluation of a cogeneration plant. Here particular attention has been paid to saving indexes for both an individual CHP-unit and for a CHP-system, that is the complete system with all the cogeneration units and the auxiliary plants necessary to cover the users' demand. Five indexes, named potential indexes, have been introduced to evaluate the cogeneration potential: one for energy saving, one for exergy, two for environmental aspects (global and local scale) and one for economic aspects. Finally, some indexes analysed in the paper have been applied to a case study concerning a district heating cogeneration system, and the different behaviour of the energy-exergy, environmental and economic aspects has been discussed.

While small island developing states (SIDS) are micro-contributors to anthropogenic climate change, they are among the most vulnerable to its impacts, with some islands even facing the possibility of extinction. Recognising their vital stake in an effective climate regime, small island states formed a negotiating group, the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS), to represent their interests in the international climate negotiations. Given their limited power, however, to what extent, and by what means, did AOSIS impact the climate regime? Assuming that both the process and outcome of negotiations depend largely on power, this article argues that low-power parties can nonetheless exert influence in international negotiations by 'borrowing' power, that is, by drawing on external power sources. A framework for analysis is thus developed and used to assess AOSIS's negotiating strategies and respective successes in the climate change regime from 1990 to 1997. As the analysis reveals, AOSIS made use of external sources of power over this period, and shaped the negotiations to a remarkable degree, much more so than the a priori power distribution would predict.

The article presents the results of the current analysis of the consolidating potential of the President's Messages to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation and the "direct lines" with the President based on the social monitoring data of 2012-2021. The author justifies the conclusion that in modern Russia, the President's messages to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, "direct lines with the president," press conferences of the national leader have significant consolidation potential. The president is denounced by the trust of citizens and, according to social monitoring data from 2012- 2021, meets the main socio-political expectations of Russians in matters of foreign and domestic policy. At the same time, the growth of the index of protest activity of the population, the decline of social wellbeing indices in connection with crisis processes in the economy against the background of a pandemic, etc., show the lack of use of the political capital of the general-national leader and the right ideology to solve the current problems of our time. Solving the problems of consolidation policy requires the further search for effective technologies for consolidating political power, bridging the gap between state power and society through the real modernization of Russian socio-political reality.

Overview of post-Cold War era regional and global elements affecting ASEAN. Highlights ASEAN relationships with the US, China, Japan, Russia and India.

This article examines the impact of direct presidential elections on legislative party systems. We argue that presidential power shapes the effective number of presidential candidates in a way that will have a reductive effect on the legislative party system, but this reduction will be observed only within an intermediary range of presidential power. We also argue that this proposition should be tested solely on the population of countries with direct presidential elections. We find that the effect of presidential coattails is less important than has typically been suggested, that by contrast presidential power has an influence on the legislative party system, but also that we need to think carefully about how to capture variation in presidential power when trying to estimate its effect. This latter point applies to the debate about the determinants of the legislative party system but also to debates about the effect of presidential power more generally.

Devletin ekonomik ve toplumsal yaşamdaki değişen rolünün kamu yönetimine yansıması olarak değerlendirilen ve yaşamın hassas sektörleri olarak kabul edilen rekabet, bankacılık, enerji, finans, insan hakları ve gıda ve ilaç güvenliği gibi sektör ve alanlarda düzenleme ve denetim yapan bağımsız idari otoriteler, ekonomik,toplumsal ve siyasal yaşamı gün geçtikçe daha fazla etkilemektedirler.Politikacılar ve ilgili oldukları sektördeki aktörlerin karşısında konumlarının güçlendirilmeleri ve söz konusu aktörlerden gelebilecek telkin ve baskılardan izole edilmeleri amacıyla bağımsızlık ile donatılan bağımsız idari otoriteler, sahip oldukları özellikleri, görev ve yetkileri, sorumlulukları, örgütlenmeleri, personeli ve bütçeleri ile idari örgütlenme içerisinde yer alan klasik idari birimlerden farklılık arz etmektedir. Anglo-Sakson yönetim geleneğinde uzun bir tarihsel geçmişe sahip olan bağımsız idari otoriteler, sahip oldukları özellikleri nedeniyle üniter devlet yapısının temel ilke ve prensipleriyle çatışmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, söz konusu kurumlar meşruiyet ve hesap verebilirliklerindeki yetersizlikler açısından eleştirilmektedir.Dolayısıyla, bağımsız idari otoritelerin ülkelerin kendi iç ihtiyaçlarından varlık bulması ve kendine has ilke ve özelliklere göre yapılandırılması gerekmektedir.Türkiye'de bağımsız idari otoriteler Avrupa Birliği'ne üyelik süreçleri veya ekonomik krizlerin atlatılması sürecinde uluslar arası örgütlerin telkini gibi konjonktürel ve zorlayıcı gelişmeler sonucu ortaya çıkmıştır. Türkiye'deki bağımsız idari otoritelerden biri olan ve 2001 yılında benzer süreçler sonrasında oluşturulan Enerji Piyasası Düzenleme Kurumu, özellikleri, görev ve yetkileri, sorumlulukları,örgütlenmesi ve idari ve mali özerklikleri açısından üst düzey bir bağımsız idari otoritedir. ; Independent administrative authorities which are assessed as reflection of thechanging role of state in economic and social area to public administration and whichregulate and audit critical sectors and fields such as competition, banking, energy,finance, human rights and food and drug safety affect the economic, social andpolitical area.Independent administrative authorities are granted independence in order tostrengthen their positions against the politicians and actors in related sectors and to beinsulated from mentioned actors' pressures and instilling. These authoritiesdifferentiate from traditional administrative units in terms of their characteristics,functions and competences, responsibilities, organizational structures, personnel andbudgets.These authorities, which have a long history in Anglo-Saxon administrativetradition, as a result of their unique characteristics, are in conflict with the mainprinciples of the unitary state structure. In this regard, they are criticized in respect oflacks of their legalities and accountabilities. In this study, it is suggested that theseauthorities should base on internal needs of countries and be structured in respect ofprinciples and characteristics peculiar to countries.In Turkey, independent administrative authorities have appeared as aconsequence of some historical developments such as the process of membership ofEuropean Union or instilling of international organizations in process of coping witheconomic crisis. Energy Market Regulatory Authority, which is one of theindependent administrative authorities in Turkey and was established in 2001 aftersimilar process, with its characteristics functions and competences, organizationalstructures and organizational and financial autonomy is a supreme authority.

Despite the upsurge in the literature on third party intervention in recent years, particularly that relating to mediation, there is still a significant gap in the field. While some theoretical accounts content themselves with describing the qualities of an ideal mediator, other studies borrow examples from a variety of case studies to emphasise the wide range of the mediator's functions or the tactics it can use. What is missing is a systematic, case study-driven analysis that draws on the theoretical literature while generating some fresh propositions about the conditions that are propitious for successful mediation. The article aims to achieve this by proposing three hypotheses about the impact of power, impartiality and timing on the mediation process: (1) The more power (leverage) the mediator has over the disputants, the more likely it is to succeed. (2) The more impartial the mediator is, the more likely it is to succeed. (3) Mediation is more likely to succeed when the conflict has reached an escalatory stage. These hypotheses will be tested against the experience of four successful cases of third party intervention in the Arab—Israeli conflict, which over the past six decades has experienced a multitude of mediators of different types.

Traditionally, when we talk about amending the constitution, we mean the transformation of its text. However, it would be too formalistic to see the constitution in its textual expression outside the practice of application, interpretation, and so on. Given the doctrinal approaches, the factor of interpretation clearly affects the content of the constitution, and the change of the already formed interpretation – even more so. Different terms are used to denote the influence of interpretation on the content of the constitution: development, transformation, change of the constitution. Constitutional courts play a key role in interpreting the Constitution in countries where there is a model of specialized constitutional review. However, as is well known, the CCU exercises a number of powers in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine, with separate powers regarding the official interpretation of the Constitution of Ukraine and the verification of a number of legal acts for compliance with the Constitution of Ukraine. It would be worthwhile to pay attention once again to the authority to officially interpret the Constitution of Ukraine by improving it and linking it to specific practical problems of law enforcement, or to abandon it altogether. Thus interpretation by the Constitutional Court should be carried out, however casually, – at consideration of a concrete case by the constitutional control. According to the position of the Venice Commission, it is precisely the constituent power that manifests itself through the mouths of the constitutional courts, which determines a high degree of their legitimacy. Thus, in any case, it is necessary to recognize the fact of transformation of the constitution by its judicial interpretation. It is always necessary to understand the alternative, which is the development of the constitution through the acts of the ordinary legislator. Moreover, the legitimacy of the legislature to speak on behalf of the constituent power is much less than that of the constitutional courts, if we take the approach of P. Rosanvallon. That is why the development of the constitution through its interpretation should not be contrasted with the concept of constituent power. ; Традиційно, коли говоримо про внесення змін до конституції, ми маємо на увазі трансформацію її тексту. Проте було б надто формалістично вбачати конституцію в її текстуальному вираженні поза практикою застосування, тлумачення тощо. З огляду на доктринальні підходи, чинник тлумачення однозначно впливає на зміст конституції, а зміна вже сформованого тлумачення і поготів. На позна-чення впливу тлумачення на зміст конституції вживають різні терміни: «розвиток», «трансформа-ція», «зміна» конституції. Ключову роль у тлумаченні конституції в тих країнах, де існує модель спеціалізованого консти-туційного контролю, відіграють конституційні суди. Проте, як відомо, Конституційний Суд України відповідно до Конституції України здійснює низку повноважень, окремо зафіксовано повноваження щодо офіційного тлумачення Конституції України і щодо перевірки на відповідність Конституції України низки правових актів. Варто було б ще раз звернути увагу на повноваження щодо офіційного тлумачення Конституції України шляхом його вдосконалення і прив'язки до конкретних практичних проблем правозастосу-вання або ж відмовитися від нього взагалі. Тлумачення Конституційним Судом має здійснюватися, проте казуально – під час розгляду конкретної справи, шляхом конституційного контролю. Відповідно до позиції Венеціанської комісії, устами конституційних судів якраз і проявляє себе установча влада, що зумовлює високий ступінь їхньої легітимності. Отже, за будь-яких умов варто визнати факт перетворення конституції шляхом її судового тлумачення. Варто завжди розуміти альтернативу, якою є розвиток конституції шляхом актів звичайного законодавця. Причому легітимність промовляти від імені установчої влади в законодавчої влади є значно меншою, ніж у конституційних судів, якщо поділяти підхід П. Розанваллона. Саме тому розвиток конституції шляхом її тлумачення не варто протиставляти концепції установчої влади.

Abstract
State-building by external actors can be understood as a practice of intervention in post-conflict spaces characterized by convergences and contestations between different actors striving for power and legitimacy. Informal non-state (armed) groups and clientele networks profit from the contingencies during transition and "capture" emerging formal state institutions to secure private gains and public positions. Order in this newly formed state is established through a dynamic process involving both external actors and domestic power networks. Most of the literature on intervention either focuses on top-down effects of external actors or resistance by local actors, thus falling short of describing the timeless ties of post-war networks and individuals in their day-to-day interaction patterns. How can we then understand the interaction and collusion between post-conflict power networks and external "statebuilders"? We use Bourdieu's concept of the field to examine the local spaces of interventions and argue that interventions are social and relational practices characterized by day-to-day routines and overlapping, yet co-existing modes of formal and informal interactions. Empirically, we rely on qualitative social network analysis and interviews to visibilize these social practices and collusion between external actors and power networks in Kosovo and its impact on "state-building" efforts by the international community.