Suchergebnisse

En abril del año 2015 se promulgó la ley que creó el acuerdo de unión civil en Chile. Este artículo investiga las principales ideas discutidas en el debate legislativo y del rol que cumplieron profesores de derecho de familia invitados como expertos al mismo. Proponemos que la participación de estos abogados fue marginal dentro y fuera del Congreso. Como consecuencia, la ley que creó el acuerdo de unión civil presentó serias falencias. En este artículo proponemos considerar las batallas intra-profesionales por el reconocimiento de un saber experto, como un factor clave en la formulación de políticas en materia de género y sexualidad. Y de paso, esperamos abrir un debate desde una perspectiva interdisciplinaria que reimagine al derecho de familia desanclado de relaciones diádicas, centradas en la atracción sexual y orientadas a la procreación.In Chile, a bill recognizing civil unions for same-sex and opposite-sex couples was signed into law in April 2015. In this article, we analyze the parliamentary debate on the civil union's law and the role of law professors invited as experts in the debate. We conclude that their position as experts was marginal inside and outside the Congress. As a result, the parliament approved the law with several shortcomings. The contribution of this research is twofold. First, we propose that intraprofessional battles over expertise are a crucial factor to understand better the formulation of gender and sexual policies in Latin America. Second, from an interdisciplinary approach, we propose to reimagine family law decoupled from norms centered on dyadic and romantic relationships and oriented to procreation.

This theoretical study aims to describe and analyze the parliamentary system established at the end of the Cold War in Germany, the Czech Republic, and Russia, after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The change of the political system was considered the starting point, which gave way to a market economy and a modern democracy. The parliamentary discipline is also analyzed as an input for governance within a new political regime of the legislative power. Concepts such as cohesion, discipline, and unity are addressed to understand the functioning of this power according to the political regime of the moment. The tendency of Congress towards a democratic scheme is evident by observing the operational dynamics of the parliamentary system. The methodology used was theoretical, descriptive, and deductive. ; El presente estudio teórico tiene como objetivo describir y analizar el sistema parlamentario que se estableció al fin de la Guerra Fría en Alemania, República Checa y Rusia, después de la caída del Muro de Berlín. Se considera como punto de arranque el cambio del sistema político, que dio paso a una economía de mercado y a una democracia moderna. También, se analiza la disciplina parlamentaria como un insumo para la gobernabilidad dentro de un nuevo régimen político del poder legislativo. Se abordan conceptos como cohesión, disciplina y unidad para entender la actuación de dicho poder en función del régimen político del momento. Mediante la visualización de la dinámica operativa del sistema parlamentario, se evidencia la tendencia del congreso hacia un esquema democrático. La metodología utilizada es teórica, descriptiva y deductiva.

The article deals with the process of establishing bilateral relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China in the field of development and use of outer space. It was revealed the main directions and character of the US-China cooperation and the beginning of the Chinese space program in the 1970s and the end of the 1990s. It was determined that the integration of the People's Republic of China into the cosmic world community was due to the establishment of cooperation with the United States of America. Already for President G.H. Bush the relationship between the People's Republic of China and the United States in the space industry has become an important lever of international politics. It has been proven that permanent control by the Congress over the leakage of US space technology to China has been a significant obstacle to continuing the dialogue between countries on space use during the 1990s. ; У статті аналізується процес налагодження двосторонніх відносин між Сполученими Штатами Америки та Китайською Народною Республікою у галузі освоєння та використання космічного простору. Розкриваються основні напрямки та характер американо-китайського співробітництва від зародження китайської космічної програми у 1970-ті роки та до кінця 1990-х. Визначено, що інтеграція Китайської Народної Республіки у космічне світове співтовариство відбувалася завдяки налагодженню співробітництва із Сполученими Штатами Америки. Вже за президента Дж.Г. Буша взаємовідносини між Китайською Народною Республікою і Сполученими Штатами у космічній галузі перетворилися у важливий важіль міжнародної політики. Доведено, що постійний контроль з боку Конгресу щодо витоку американських космічних технологій до Китаю став вагомою перешкодою у продовженні діалогу між країнами з використання космосу протягом 1990-х років.

The Federal Tort Claims Act (FTCA) pulls back the curtain of sovereign immunity and allows private citizens to directly sue the federal government for damages resulting from negligence. Passed in 1946 and never amended, the statute carries no limit on potential damages, only prohibiting punitive damages and jury trials. Other than those procedural limitations, the potential liability of the government is unlimited—except for one single exception: the discretionary function exception. The discretionary function exception shields the government from liability for "the failure to exercise or perform a discretionary function or duty." Congress failed to elaborate on the definition and scope of "discretionary" functions and has left this vague exception for the courts to interpret. The Supreme Court has used a wide array of terms to describe the discretionary function exception and has intermittently revived and overruled prior language. The discretionary function exception has therefore rested entirely on judicial discretion in practice, changing in application based on the whims of the Court without any concrete factors on which to rely. This Note proposes that the Court formally adopt a factor- based standard in interpreting the discretionary function exception, based on five factors. By clearly articulating these factors, the Court can prevent future courts from abusing their discretion in applying the exception. This is especially important considering that such abuse could leave the government either largely immune from the consequences of its actions or open to crippling liability at every turn. The Federal Tort Claims Act was a pivotal step forward in solving this problem in 1946; clarifying the discretionary function exception today will be another crucial milestone.

International audience ; The article advances a new approach to the political competition of the Rurik dynasty for the influence on Volhynia and Galicia in the 11 th century. The research is based on the "mixed sources" logic and deals with the reconstruction of social and political structures through the archaeological evidences, imagology of power, and historical geography. The re-appraisal of the information of the Primary Rus' Chronicle is also proposed. The decisions on the hereditary possession adopted by Liubech Congress in 1097 AD dealt only with the Rus' Land in the Middle Dnieper area that played the role of colonial metropolis to other territories. Other princes fought for the rights to control administrative centers on the main commercial routes that gave them the right to be members of the "union of archontes"-the political structure imposed on Eastern Europe by Byzantine Empire in the treaties of the 10 th century-and to "have a part" (prichastie) in political life of the Rus' Land. This status reflected the idea of local élites about the social prestige and structured the model of power linked to the Byzantine hierarchy. Only later this structure took the form of clannish sovereignty of the Rus' Land. This system of power cannot be compared to the European corpus fratrum. The analysis of written sources testifies to the existence of the archaic system of political power in the 11 th century Rus', with domination of values inherited from the previous period. Its economy continued to be based on the control over transcontinental trade

The father of the "Austrian" Marginalist revolution and founder of the so-called "Austrian School of economics", Carl Menger, had a mixed reception during different periods of development of French economics. Somewhat welcomed in the early days, he was rather forgotten later on. Even his major works were not published in translation until recently. What is the reason for such a situation? Criticisms of classical political economy have to be understood in their French context. In comparison to other countries, this paper details the case of France, besides showing how later Austrians, such as Friedrich Hayek, found a limited audience. This comparative study of economic ideas in France must start with the reception of the views of the founder and the role and impact of adopting/adapting or rejecting his views by French scholars. What place did they find in French academia? From Carl Menger to a "Frenchified" Charles Menger, how was Austrian economic thought disseminated in France? This essay starts by recalling the Belle-Époque and an astonishing letter by Charles Rist for the Jubiläum of Menger, in which he deplored the lack of translation of the latter's works. The Austrian School in France is then discussed as pure economics replaces political economy in the Interwar period, with the 1938 Paris Congress of "liberal thinkers," as the Vienna Circle became known, also comparing issues in philosophy. The paper considers how Austrian theories of "pure science" were received in Paris from the Vienna of the 1900s, at a time of "Crossroads," to the present day, through the Postwar and Cold War, until a revival since the 1990s and a rethinking of economic ideas after 2008.

This paper reviewed Benon C. Basheka book's chapter on the Science of Public Procurement and Administration published by International Public Procurement Conference in 2013. The objective of the review was to expand on the origin of procurement, highlight the areas that make public procurement discipline to be an art or science and make recommendations for policy makers and researchers. The author found that public procurement is still at its infant stage with little known theory though it has a close relationship with public administration. Although public procurement has existed from the time man started trade, procurement was chaotic and disorganized since there was nothing unethical or illegal about receiving kickbacks from contractors. The author also found that, procurement had no regulations until 1792 when US Congress passed procurement legislation. The major procurement between 300 B.C-3000 B.C was construction of roads, bridges, railway networks and supplies of foodstuffs, army uniforms and fighting equipments. The study also reveals procurement as a blend of art and science because it is both a theoretical field and an area of practice. The theoretical field (art) is concerned with the teaching or academic study while the practice (science) deals with the day to day activities of procuring and disposing entities. The author, therefore recommends scholars to conduct empirical studies among procurement researchers, lecturers and practitioners in relation to the field procurement should belong to so as to have consensus on procurement field/discipline as it was done with procurement meaning. Finally, since there is no consensus between public and private procurement agenda; it means procurement is not a pure science but it is an art and science.

El problema de la posible prohibición de repetición de mandatos que plantea la proposición de ley actualmente depositada en el Congreso de Diputados, se aborda en este trabajo desde la doble perspectiva de su constitucionalidad y su oportunidad política. Mientras la primera resulta incuestionable a la luz de los supuestos intelectuales que desde sus orígenes presiden la existencia del régimen parlamentario, lo segundo depende de los objetivos concretos que se persigan y de su funcionalidad concreta para la vida política de una sociedad. En el caso español, la necesidad de imponer un principio de veracidad frente a la deriva que toma una democracia que tiende al simulacro, y la exigencia de proteger la libertad del cuerpo electoral frente a las tendencias manipuladoras del poder, así lo aconsejan.The problem of the possible prohibition of repetition of mandates that raises the proposition of law nowadays deposited in the Deputies' Congress, is approached in this work from the double perspective of his constitutionality and his political opportunity. While the first one turns out to be unquestionable in the light of the intellectual suppositions that from his origins they preside at the existence of the parliamentary regime, the second thing depends on the concrete aims that are chased and of his concrete functionality for the political life of a company. In the Spanish case, the need to impose a beginning of veracity opposite to the drift that takes a democracy that tends to the sham, and the exigency of protecting the freedom of the voting population opposite to the manipulative trends of the power, this way they advise it.

A convincing refutation of stereotypes about Islam as a religion of implacably hostility to the adherents of other faiths serves as an example of life, activity, and evolution of thinking that was demonstrated by an outstanding political leader of the Indian national liberation movement Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958). Initially he was an ardent follower of Aligarh movement which stood for Muslim education and their cooperation with the colonial authorities. From 1911 to 1916 Azad is an active promoter of Muslim nationalism, Caliphate movement. From 1920 until the end of life Azad was a tough critic of the separatist Muslim nationalism, one of the most prominent leaders of the Indian National Congress Party, Minister of education of secular Republic of India. History of Azad's personal evolution convincingly testifi es to the dynamic nature of Islamic teaching which calls for renunciation of dogmatic views and maintaining the constant desire to discover the deep world outlook meanings ; Убедительным опровержением стереотипного представления об исламе как о религии, непримиримо враждебной к приверженцам других конфессий служит история жизни глубоко верующего мусульманина, выдающегося политического лидера индийского национально-освободительного движения Абул Калам Азада (1888–1958). Первоначально — приверженца Алигархского движения, выступавшего за просвещение мусульман и их сотрудничество с колониальными властями. С 1911 по 1916 г. — активного пропагандиста мусульманского национализма, халифатского движения. С 1920 года до конца жизни — критика сепаратистского «мусульманского национализма», одного из виднейших руководителей партии Индийский национальный конгресс, министра просвещения секулярной Республики Индия. История эволюции взглядов Абул Калам Азада убедительно свидетельствует о динамичности исламского вероучения, которое призывает отказаться от косности во взглядах, постоянно стремиться к открытию глубинных мировоззренческих смыслов.

Wildlands are increasingly lost to human development. Conservation scientists repeatedly call for protecting the remaining wildlands and expanding the land area protected in reserves. Despite these calls, conservation reserves can be eliminated through legislation that demotes their conservation status. For example, legislation introduced to the Congress of the United States recently would demote 29 Wilderness Study Areas (WSAs) from the protections afforded by their existing status. The proposed legislation suggests that the 29 areas are not suitable for a promotion and future inclusion in the National Wilderness Preservation System based on decades-old local evaluations. Local evaluations, notwithstanding, it may be important to consider the value of lands from a national perspective. Without a national perspective, local evaluations alone may lead to overlooking the national significance of lands. With this in mind, I used five qualities of wildland value (wildness, intactness of night sky, lack of human-generated noises, intactness of mammals, and intactness of mammal carnivores of conservation concern) to compare the 29 WSAs to all national parks and wilderness areas located within the contiguous United States. The pool of 29 WSAs was similar to the pool of national parks and wilderness areas with respect to the five qualities assessed, and some of the WSAs were characterized by higher values than most of national parks and wilderness areas. This analysis demonstrates the national significance of the WSAs targeted for demotion of their existing conservation status. Such an approach could be used in future land management legislation and planning to ensure that a national perspective on conservation value is brought to bear on decisions facing federally-managed lands.

The Antiquities Act of 1906 grants the president the power to designate national monuments in order to protect historic landmarks and structures. Pursuant to this power, a president has the corresponding power to revoke prior national monument designations. Many scholars, however, have taken a different view. They place central reliance on a 1938 opinion by U.S. Attorney General Homer Cummings, which concluded that the statutory power granted to the president to create national monuments does not include the power of revocation. We think this opinion (and the subsequent work which has relied upon it) is poorly reasoned; misconstrued a prior opinion, which came to the opposite result; and is inconsistent with constitutional, statutory, and case law governing the president's exercise of analogous grants of power. Our analysis shows that a general discretionary revocation power exists. We argue that under traditional principles of constitutional, legislative, and administrative law, the authority to execute a discretionary power includes the authority to reverse it. No President (nor any Congress or Supreme Court) can permanently bind his or her successors in their exercise of the executive power. Apart from a general discretionary power to revoke monuments that were lawfully designated, the president has the constitutional power to declare invalid prior monuments if they were illegal from their inception. ; Gaziano, Todd and Yoo, John, Presidential Authority to Revoke or Reduce National Monument Designations (July 18, 2017). Yale Journal on Regulation, Vol. 35, No. 2, 2018; UC Berkeley Public Law Research Paper. Available at SSRN: http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3004821. Accessed on WSU Research Exchange at http://hdl.handle.net/2376/12887.

The father of the "Austrian" Marginalist revolution and founder of the so-called "Austrian School of economics", Carl Menger, had a mixed reception during different periods of development of French economics. Somewhat welcomed in the early days, he was rather forgotten later on. Even his major works were not published in translation until recently. What is the reason for such a situation? Criticisms of classical political economy have to be understood in their French context. In comparison to other countries, this paper details the case of France, besides showing how later Austrians, such as Friedrich Hayek, found a limited audience. This comparative study of economic ideas in France must start with the reception of the views of the founder and the role and impact of adopting/adapting or rejecting his views by French scholars. What place did they find in French academia? From Carl Menger to a "Frenchified" Charles Menger, how was Austrian economic thought disseminated in France? This essay starts by recalling the Belle-Époque and an astonishing letter by Charles Rist for the Jubiläum of Menger, in which he deplored the lack of translation of the latter's works. The Austrian School in France is then discussed as pure economics replaces political economy in the Interwar period, with the 1938 Paris Congress of "liberal thinkers," as the Vienna Circle became known, also comparing issues in philosophy. The paper considers how Austrian theories of "pure science" were received in Paris from the Vienna of the 1900s, at a time of "Crossroads," to the present day, through the Postwar and Cold War, until a revival since the 1990s and a rethinking of economic ideas after 2008.

20 páginas ; La reelección presidencial significó una desestructuración para las instituciones democráticas en Colombia. Álvaro Uribe y Juan Manuel Santos, apoyados por grandes coaliciones en el Congreso, hicieron uso de la figura de candidato-presidente para gobernar durante un segundo periodo. Una evaluación sobre la conformación de la rama Legislativa en Colombia entre 2002 y 2014 arroja un resultado llamativo: los escaños de los partidos declarados en oposición aumentaron cuando se aplicó la reelección presidencial y tendieron a disminuir cuando la elección tuvo candidatos nuevos. Las categorías presencia parlamentaria, continuidad opositora, postura ideológica y el concepto de path dependent, proveniente del institucionalismo histórico, sirven como nodos analíticos para la compresión de las dinámicas opositoras en la democracia Colombia, ahora llena de retos en el marco del posconflicto. ; The presidential re-election in Colombia was a threat to the democratic institutions in Colombia. Álvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos, supported by large coalitions in Congress, made use of the figure of candidate-president to govern during a second term. An evaluation of the formation of the Legislative branch in Colombia between 2002 and 2014 shows a striking result: the seats of the parties declared in opposition increased when the presidential re-election was applied and tended to decrease when the presidential election had new candidates. The categories of parliamentary presence, opposition continuity, ideological stance and the concept of path dependent, coming from the historical institutionalism, serve as analytical points of view for the understanding of the opposing dynamics in the Colombian democracy, full of challenges in the post-conflict context.

20 páginas ; La reelección presidencial significó una desestructuración para las instituciones democráticas en Colombia. Álvaro Uribe y Juan Manuel Santos, apoyados por grandes coaliciones en el Congreso, hicieron uso de la figura de candidato-presidente para gobernar durante un segundo periodo. Una evaluación sobre la conformación de la rama Legislativa en Colombia entre 2002 y 2014 arroja un resultado llamativo: los escaños de los partidos declarados en oposición aumentaron cuando se aplicó la reelección presidencial y tendieron a disminuir cuando la elección tuvo candidatos nuevos. Las categorías presencia parlamentaria, continuidad opositora, postura ideológica y el concepto de path dependent, proveniente del institucionalismo histórico, sirven como nodos analíticos para la compresión de las dinámicas opositoras en la democracia Colombia, ahora llena de retos en el marco del posconflicto. ; The presidential re-election in Colombia was a threat to the democratic institutions in Colombia. Álvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos, supported by large coalitions in Congress, made use of the figure of candidate-president to govern during a second term. An evaluation of the formation of the Legislative branch in Colombia between 2002 and 2014 shows a striking result: the seats of the parties declared in opposition increased when the presidential re-election was applied and tended to decrease when the presidential election had new candidates. The categories of parliamentary presence, opposition continuity, ideological stance and the concept of path dependent, coming from the historical institutionalism, serve as analytical points of view for the understanding of the opposing dynamics in the Colombian democracy, full of challenges in the post-conflict context.

The Minister of Education, Culture and Sports, José Ignacio Wert, following the program with which his party, the PP, won the elections in November 2011, has initiated the modification of educational legislation. During the month of August 2012 it has issued two Royal Decrees, aimed at modifying the contents of the subject of Education for Citizenship, and in October it has presented for its approval to the Council of Ministers the preliminary draft of the organic law to improve educational quality . Given that at least three drafts of this preliminary draft for the Improvement of Educational Quality have been circulated at this time, I will limit myself on this occasion to raising some general aspects, leaving for later the specific analysis of the measures that are finally sent to Congress. ; El Ministro de Educación, Cultura y Deporte, José Ignacio Wert, siguiendo el programa con el que su partido, el PP, ganó las elecciones en noviembre de 2011, ha iniciado la modificación de la legislación educativa. Durante el mes de agosto de 2012 ha dictado dos Reales Decretos, encaminados a modificar los contenidos de la asignatura de Educación para la Ciudadanía, y en octubre ha presentado para su aprobación al Consejo de Ministros el Anteproyecto de ley orgánica para mejora de la calidad educativa. Dado que a estas fechas han circulado al menos tres borradores de este anteproyecto de Mejora de la Calidad Educativa, me limitaré en esta ocasión a plantear algunos aspectos generales dejando para más adelante el análisis concreto de las medidas que por fin se envíen al Congreso.