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Anti-Western sentiment is a common feature of politics in many non-Western societies such as China, Cuba, Venezuela, Turkey, Iran and various Arab countries. Challenging the scholarly literature that depicts anti-Westernism as an "irrational, extremist and fundamentalist reaction to the cultural hegemony of the West," this article conceptualizes anti-Westernism as a rational reaction to –and an unsurprising consequence of– the problematic political/economic interactions between nonWestern societies (e.g. Iran) and Western powers (e.g. Britain, France and the US). Iran is a particularly noteworthy case because anti-Westernism played a key role in the formation of the modern state in the country. The foreign policy behavior of Iran in our time and the historical trajectory that produced the Islamic Republic after the 1979 Revolution cannot be understood without acknowledging anti-Westernism. The origins of anti-Westernism in Iran are explored in this article through interpreting the path dependent historical experience of the country, with a particular emphasis on the relations between Iran and Western countries. In contrast to works that attribute Iran's anti-Western foreign policy to the Islamist ideology of the post-1979 era, it will be argued that hostility to the Western-dominated international political system should actually be traced to the transformation in which the Iranian national identity evolved in the early 20th century. ; Batı karşıtlığı; Çin, Küba, Venezuela, Türkiye, İran ve Arap ülkeleri gibi birçok Batı-dışı toplumun siyasal hayatında sık rastlanılan bir öğedir. Bu makale; Batı karşıtlığını "Batı'nın kültürel üstünlüğüne karşı irrasyonel, köktenci ve aşırılıkçı bir tepki" olarak sunan akademik literatürü eleştirip, Batı karşıtlığını Batı-dışı toplumlarla (İran vb.) Batılı güçler (Britanya, Fransa ve ABD vb.) arasındaki sorunlu siyasal/ekonomik ilişkilerin doğal ve rasyonel bir sonucu olarak tanımlamaktadır. İran özellikle dikkat çekici bir örnektir çünkü Batı karşıtlığı ülkedeki modern devlet yapısının oluşumunda anahtar rol oynamıştır. İran'ın günümüzde sürdürdüğü dış politika ve 1979 Devrimi'nin ardından İslam Cumhuriyeti'ni üreten tarihsel rota Batı karşıtlığı göz önüne alınmadan anlaşılamaz. Bu makalede İran'daki Batı karşıtlığının kökenleri ülkenin nevi şahsına münhasır tarihsel tecrübesi yorumlanarak incelenmektedir; bu bağlamda özellikle İran ile Batı ülkeleri arasındaki ilişkilere odaklanılmaktadır. İran'ın Batı karşıtı dış politikasını 1979 sonrası devletin İslamcı ideolojisine bağlayan çalışmaların aksine, bu çalışmada ülkenin Batı-merkezli uluslararası siyasal sisteme duyduğu husumetin kökenlerinin aslında İran ulusal kimliğinin 20. yüzyılın başlarında geçirdiği dönüşümde aranması gerektiği savunulmaktadır. ; Telif hakları gereğince yayın erişime kapalıdır. Yayın yayıncı tarafından erişime açık ise bağlantılar kısmından ulaşılabilmektedir.

AbstraksiPosisi Ukraina yang strategis bagi Rusia maupun Uni Eropa seringkali menjadikannya sebagai medan konflik antara Rusia dan Uni Eropa. Seperti yang terjadi pada tahun 2013-2015, konflik domestik yang diawali oleh keluarnya Ukraina dari Perjanjian Asosiasi Eropa menjadi medan konflik antara Rusia dan Uni Eropa. Rusia yang merupakan negara pewaris Soviet merasa perlu untuk melindungi etnis Rusia yang berada di Ukraina menuntut Rusia untuk melakukan campur tangan dalam konflik domestik tersebut. Sedangkan Uni Eropa yang merasa kepentingan politiknya diganggu oleh Rusia pada akhirnya melakukan embargo ekonomi terhadap Rusia atas campur tangannya tersebut, sementara Uni Eropa memiliki ketergantungan terhadap Rusia dalam hal energi. Dalam penelitian ini akan dibahas mengenai embargo ekonomi yang diberikan oleh Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia serta latar belakang embargo tersebut dengan menggunakan teori foreign policy strategy dan konsep energy security. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian eksplanatif dengan menggunakan data kualitatif yang bersumber dari studi kepustakaan. Kebijakan embargo ekonomi yang dilakukan oleh Uni Eropa tersebut merupakan strategi konfrontasi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia yang di dasari oleh dua hal, yaitu kapabilitas Uni Eropa yang dirasa lebih tinggi daripada Rusia serta posisi Rusia yang dianggap sebagai ancaman oleh Uni Eropa.Kata Kunci: Perjanjian Asosiasi Eropa, embargo ekonomi, strategi konfrontasi, konflik Ukraina. AbstractStrategical position of Ukraine for Russia as well as European Union often make it be conflict area between Russia and European Union. As happened to the years 2013-2015, domestic conflict that begins by the discharge of Ukraine of the European Association Agreement became the conflict zone between Russia and the European Union. Russia that legacy of Soviet Union felt it necessary to protect Russians ethnic who were in Ukraine make Russia demands to intervene in the domestic conflict. Whereas the European Union felt harassed by the political interests of Russia finally of give economic embargo to the Russian on interference in the domestic conflict, while European Union dependence on Russian energy. In this research will be discussed about the economic embargo by the European Union on Russia and the background of the embargo by using the theory of foreign policy strategy and concept of energy security. This research use explainative methode with qualitative data that sourced by library research. The economic embargo is European Union confrontation strategy towards Russia that based on two reasons, capability the European Union is considered higher than Russia and Russia's position is seen as a threat by the European Union.Key Words: European Association Agreement, economic embargo, confrontation strategy, Ukraina conflict.

Desde los atentados terroristas del 11S, el afrontamiento de la radicalización y el terrorismo yihadista por parte de las sociedades occidentales ha estado en primera línea de la agenda política interior y exterior. Durante este tiempo, se ha evidenciado la influencia que pueden desempeñar los dirigentes políticos en su interacción con las instituciones, la ciudadanía y las organizaciones terroristas. En la presente investigación se realiza un estudio de caso del discurso pronunciado por Barack Obama el 4 de junio de 2009 en la Universidad de El Cairo ("A New Beginning"). Para ello se examina su contenido y estructura interna utilizando como referente teórico-conceptual la clasificación de virtudes y fortalezas delimitada por Peterson y Seligman (2004) en el marco de la Psicología Positiva. Este discurso supuso un punto de inflexión en las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y el mundo árabo-musulmán, pudiendo considerarse un genuino ejercicio de comunicación positiva cuyas implicaciones están aún por determinar, dado que sigue ejerciendo influencia en la política interior y exterior de la administración Obama. Se concluye que, en un mundo globalizado y en red donde los riesgos y adversidades requieren abordajes innovadores, es necesaria más que nunca una comunicación social capaz de promover virtudes y fortalezas asociadas al optimismo, la esperanza, la confianza, la resistencia o la vitalidad. ; Since the September 11 terrorist attacks, coping with radicalisation and jihadist terrorism has been at the forefront of the domestic and foreign policy agendas in Western societies. During this time, the influence that political leaders can exert in their interaction with institutions, citizens, and terrorist organizations has been demonstrated. We present a case study of the speech by Barak Obama on June 4, 2009 at the University of Cairo ("A New Beginning"). Its content and internal structure is analysed using the classification of virtues and strengths defined by Peterson and Seligman (2004) as a theoretical and conceptual reference within the framework of positive psychology. This speech marked a turning point in the relationship between the USA and the Arab-Muslim world and could be considered to be a genuine exercise in positive communication. Its implications are yet to be determined, because it continues to exert an influence on the Obama administration's domestic and foreign policy. In a globalized and networking world in which risks and adversities require innovative responses, more than ever we suggest that social communication capable of promoting virtues and strengths associated with optimism, hope, confidence, strength, or vitality is needed more than ever.

Since the September 11 terrorist attacks, coping with radicalisation and jihadist terrorism has been at the forefront of the domestic and foreign policy agendas in Western societies. During this time, the influence that political leaders can exert in their interaction with institutions, citizens, and terrorist organizations has been demonstrated. We present a case study of the speech by Barak Obama on June 4, 2009 at the University of Cairo ("A New Beginning"). Its content and internal structure is analysed using the classification of virtues and strengths defined by Peterson and Seligman (2004) as a theoretical and conceptual reference within the framework of positive psychology. This speech marked a turning point in the relationship between the USA and the Arab-Muslim world and could be considered to be a genuine exercise in positive communication. Its implications are yet to be determined, because it continues to exert an influence on the Obama administration's domestic and foreign policy. In a globalized and networking world in which risks and adversities require innovative responses, more than ever we suggest that social communication capable of promoting virtues and strengths associated with optimism, hope, confidence, strength, or vitality is needed more than ever. ; Desde los atentados terroristas del 11S, el afrontamiento de la radicalización y el terrorismo yihadista por parte de las sociedades occidentales ha estado en primera línea de la agenda política interior y exterior. Durante este tiempo, se ha evidenciado la influencia que pueden desempeñar los dirigentes políticos en su interacción con las instituciones, la ciudadanía y las organizaciones terroristas. En la presente investigación se realiza un estudio de caso del discurso pronunciado por Barack Obama el 4 de junio de 2009 en la Universidad de El Cairo ("A New Beginning"). Para ello se examina su contenido y estructura interna utilizando como referente teórico-conceptual la clasificación de virtudes y fortalezas delimitada por Peterson y Seligman (2004) en el marco de la Psicología Positiva. Este discurso supuso un punto de inflexión en las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y el mundo árabo-musulmán, pudiendo considerarse un genuino ejercicio de comunicación positiva cuyas implicaciones están aún por determinar, dado que sigue ejerciendo influencia en la política interior y exterior de la administración Obama. Se concluye que, en un mundo globalizado y en red donde los riesgos y adversidades requieren abordajes innovadores, es necesaria más que nunca una comunicación social capaz de promover virtudes y fortalezas asociadas al optimismo, la esperanza, la confianza, la resistencia o la vitalidad

The article deals with two aspects of Pakistani-Afghanistan relations such as drug trafficking and Afghan refugees. Described issues characterized as «non-traditional» threats to the security of both countries, which have military and political nature. The purpose of the research is to consider drug trafficking and refugees issues in their coexistence and importance in bilateral relations, especially in Pakistani foreign policy towards Afghanistan. The conclusion of the research is that terrorism and internal instability of the political situation in both countries contribute to greater inter-dependence problems of drug trafficking and refugees in the Pakistani-Afghan relations. As a result, contacts between neighbors have permanent deterioration. It is visible to conduct an assumption that named problems cannot be solved in nowadays conditions. Such assumption was confirmed by the existence of the dichotomy of bilateral contacts in which Pakistan is trying to play a leadership role, using the problems of drug trafficking and refugees as pressure on Afghanistan in its foreign policy decisions. That is why such topical for states and regional security issues became a hostage of political ambitions. ; Рассматривается роль наркоторговли и проблемы афганских беженцев на территории Пакистана в дву-сторонних отношениях Исламабада и Кабула. Описанные вопросы характеризуются как «нетрадиционные» угрозы безопасности обоих государств, которые имеют черты военно-политического характера. Фактор терроризма и нестабильность внутриполитической ситуации в обеих странах способствуют большей взаи-мозависимости проблем наркотрафика и беженцев в пакистано-афганских отношениях, что приводит к их перманентному обострению. Автор пришел к выводу о невозможности комплексного решения данных вопро-сов в современных условиях. Преградой к чему есть дихотомия двусторонних контактов, в которой Пакистан пытается играть роль лидера, используя проблемы наркотрафика и беженцев как рычаги влияния на Афгани-стан в его внешнеполитических решениях. ; Розглядається роль наркоторгівлі та проблеми афганських біженців на території Пакистану у двосторонніх відносинах Ісламабаду та Кабулу. Описані питання характеризуються як «не-традиційні» загрози безпеці обох держав, які мають риси військово-політичного характеру. Фак-тор тероризму та чинник нестабільності внутрішньополітичної ситуації у обох державах спри-яють більшій взаємозалежності проблем наркотрафіку та біженців у пакистансько-афганських відносинах, що призводить до їхнього перманентного загострення. Автор дійшов висновку про неможливість комплексного вирішення даних питань у сучасних умовах. Перепоною до чого є ди-хотомія двосторонніх контактів, у якій Пакистан намагається грати роль лідера, використову-ючи проблеми наркотрафіку та біженців як важелі впливу на Афганістан у його зовнішнь-ополітичних рішеннях

The topic of this article is devoted to the tacit conflict between Great Britain and Germany in matters relating to building the future of the European Union. Germany was the strongest economy in Europe and the most important player in the process of European construction, while Germany's desire to centralise the European Community was hampered by opposition from the UK, who considered it to be a threat to its sovereignty. In the analysed period, John Major's government was in the UK in power. The Prime Minister publicly stated his desire to make the UK the "Heart of Europe". From the beginning, John Major took a pro-European course, by signing Maastricht Treaty. However, the split within the Conservative Party caused, due to the conflict between eurosceptics and europhiles, John Major was forced to adjust his foreign policy and rhetoric in relation to the construction of Europe. The article discusses the main issues of the British-German relations in 1992-1997 of, while in power, the Conservative government of John Major. In his study, the author analyses the differences that have arisen between the United Kingdom and Germany to create the basic institutions of the European Union. The author analyses in detail the position of Germany and the UK about the future of the European Union. ; The topic of this article is devoted to the tacit conflict between Great Britain and Germany in matters relating to building the future of the European Union. Germany was the strongest economy in Europe and the most important player in the process of European construction, while Germany's desire to centralise the European Community was hampered by opposition from the UK, who considered it to be a threat to its sovereignty. In the analysed period, John Major's government was in the UK in power. The Prime Minister publicly stated his desire to make the UK the "Heart of Europe". From the beginning, John Major took a pro-European course, by signing Maastricht Treaty. However, the split within the Conservative Party caused, due to the conflict between eurosceptics and europhiles, John Major was forced to adjust his foreign policy and rhetoric in relation to the construction of Europe. The article discusses the main issues of the British-German relations in 1992-1997 of, while in power, the Conservative government of John Major. In his study, the author analyses the differences that have arisen between the United Kingdom and Germany to create the basic institutions of the European Union. The author analyses in detail the position of Germany and the UK about the future of the European Union.

Статья посвящена рассмотрению особенностей и ключевых аспектов сотрудничества Грузии и КНР. Отмечаются успехи этих стран в институционализации экономических контактов между ними, стержнем которых является инициатива официального Пекина по формированию пула стран вокруг его проекта «Экономический пояс Шелкового пути». Вместе с тем подчеркивается, что потенциал взаимодействия между грузинской и китайской сторонами лишь только набирает свою положительную инерцию. Ее стремительное развитие в скором времени обещает несколько изменить конфигурацию внешнеполитической доктрины Грузии, в которой ныне закреплена ориентация исключительно на западное сообщество наций. Страна Золотого руна со всей очевидностью ищет для себя статуса главного партнера Поднебесной в южнокавказском регионе. Самое активное участие грузинской стороны в реализации китайских геоэкономических моделей в уже обозримом будущем сулит официальному Тбилиси сделать вопрос присоединения Грузии к НАТО и ЕС не столь актуальным, как сегодня. Важное влияние на внешнеполитическую стратегию Грузии будут иметь договоренности в рамках стратегического партнерства Китая и России о мультивекторной модели транспортировки товаров и ресурсов в рамках конвергенции Евразийского Экономического Союза и «Экономического пояса Шелкового пути». ; The article considers the characteristics and key aspects of cooperation between Georgia and China. Is celebrating the success of these countries in the institutionalization of economic contacts, which is the core of Beijing''s initiative to form a pool of around his project «Economic Zone the new Silk Road». At the same time it emphasizes that the potential for cooperation between the Georgian and Chinese sides only just gaining a positive momentum. Its rapid development in the near future promises to change the configuration of some of Georgia''s foreign policy doctrine, which is now fixed focus exclusively on the Western community of nations. The country of the Golden Fleece clearly looking for themselves the status of the main partner of China in the South Caucasus region. The most active participation of the Georgian side in the implementation of China''s geo-economic models in the already foreseeable future promises to the official Tbilisi to make the issue of accession of Georgia to NATO and the EU is not as relevant as it is today. Georgia''s foreign policy strategy will be influenced by agreements signed in the framework of the strategic partnership between China and Russia on the multi-vector model of transportation of goods and resources within the framework of the convergence of the Eurasian Economic Union and Silk Road Economic Belt.

основні характеристики та проблеми. Здійснено класифікацію факторів, що впливають на розвиток багатосторонньої взаємодії у Латинській Америці. З'ясовано ступінь впливу США у регіоні на сучасному етапі. Подано характеристику оборонного, клубного мультилатералізму та мультилатералізму pro tempore. Здійснено огляд залученості громадськості та неурядових організацій у діяльність багатосторонніх інституцій, що діють у регіоні.Ключові слова: мультилатералізм; регіоналізм; зовнішня політика країн Латинської Америки; регіон Латинської Америки і Карибського басейну; США; регіональна інтеграція; багатостороння взаємодія; мультилатеральні інституції.This article provides an overview of current Latin American multilateralism and its main characteristics and problems. The classification of factors influencing the development of multilateral cooperation in Latin America is given: (1) complex relationship between the United States and the countries of the region, especially after the end of the Cold War and the attacks of 9/1 which ensures that the countries of Latin America appear to carry out a more independent foreign policy; (2) effects of globalization and the need of Latin America to become an important factor in the international economic system which contributes to the ability of certain actors in the region to diversify its international relations; (3) reconfiguration of political and geopolitical map of Latin America through the election of democratic governments in most countries, the emergence of regional leadership, and various new approaches to the vision of regional integration, which should be opposed to heterogeneity and fragmentation in the region; (4) growing role of social movements that influence the regional order. New challenges and threats to regional security and public order in connection with transnational crime and drug trafficking limit the traditional principle of national sovereignty;(5) interaction between countries in the region lies in the need to deal with specific challenges in specific areas: finance; energy; development of regional infrastructure to promote interdependence and improving communication; policies in health, poverty eradication and environmental protection, which often go beyond the national level and become transnational. The extent of US influence in the region is described and is shown as reducing. The characteristics of defensive, club and pro tempore multilateralism show the essence of Latin American multilateralism and are described in the article. Also is given an overview of the involvement of the public and non-governmental organizations in the activities of multilateral institutions in the region.Key words: multilateralism; regionalism; foreign policy of Latin America; the region of Latin America and the Caribbean; the US; regional integration; multilateral cooperation; multilateral institutions.

Анализируется роль политических элит в формировании исторической политики в Литве, Латвии и Эстонии. Выделяются три периода в развитии исторической политики в прибалтийских государствах. Проблемы политизации прошлого рассматриваются в связи с событиями политической жизни и международных отношений. Обосновывается вывод об усиливающейся тенденции к продвижению «версий прошлого», уравнивающих нацизм и коммунизм, на общеевропейский уровень. В данном процессе прибалтийские элиты играют заметную роль, выстраивая взаимодействие с элитами Восточной Европы, экспертными и политическими кругами Западной Европы и США. Основные тенденции в развитии исторической политики в странах Прибалтики использование политическими элитами административных и законодательных инструментов для утверждения предпочтительных «версий прошлого», а также активная политическая работа на межгосударственном уровне, нацеленная на включение прибалтийских «версий» прошлого в общеевропейскую политику памяти. Историческая политика прибалтийских режимов, выставляющая страны Прибалтики как жертвы «двух тоталитаризмов» («нацистской и советской оккупации»), активно используется в качестве внешнеполитического инструмента. Политизация темы «антитоталитаризма» востребованный сегодня внешнеполитический инструмент, который служит интересам не только прибалтийских и восточноевропейских политиков, но находит идейных сторонников и в Западной Европе, и в США (в частности, в рамках «стратегии перемалывания», применяемой США в отношении постсоветского пространства). ; The article focuses on multiple cases of the politicization of history by the Baltic political elites. Three states of development of politics of memory in the Baltic States are identified. Problems of political exploitation of the past are scrutinized in the context of political life and international relations. It is concluded that the narratives of the past where nazi and Soviet legacies are equated are actively promoted on the pan-European level. Elites of the Baltic States play a salient role in this process and enhance ties with the elites of the Eastern Europe, expert and political communities of the Western Europe and USA. The dominant trends in the development of the historical politics in the Baltic countries are the administrative and legislative instruments for approval of the preferred narratives of the past, as well as an active political work at the international level aimed at the inclusion of the Baltic narratives of the past into the European politics of memory. Historical politics of the Baltic States shows the Baltic countries as the victims of "two totalitarianisms" ("Nazi and Soviet occupation"), and this point of view is widely used as a foreign policy tool. The politicization of the "anti-totalitarianism" issue is now a popular foreign policy tool that not only serves the interests of the Baltic and Eastern European politicians, but also finds ideological supporters in Western Europe and the United States.

The United States has many symbols. Though most of them did not originate in the country, they have become the country's brand name in the perception of the general public. The history of the Marine Corps dates back to the ancient world, but modern formations of this type originated in the early 17th century, when the Netherlands, France and England began to compete for rule of the oceans. Marines are not only associated with the formation as such, but generally symbolize the American soldier, in particular one who serves outside the country, often as an instrument of Washington's intervention. According to the traditional understanding, Marines were organized in units which were present on every battleship. On the one hand, the soldiers were on guard to ensure the crew's discipline, while on the other they participated in onshore raids in small‑scale operations. Until the Spanish‑American War in 1898, the Marine Corps was a small battle unit, constantly threatened with being liquidated or absorbed by the army or the fleet. The outbreak of the war between the US and Spain changed the situation, giving way to a brilliant career for the Corps, which was not only saved but even developed by supporters of the idea of American expansionism who were then in power. Being stationed on board, they were always at hand, and thus became used to running small‑scale operations, chiefly of a police nature, mainly in Central American republics and the Caribbean. Marines were also popular heroes in the press for their participation in topical events of US foreign policy, which promoted the Corps among US citizens. Newspapers contained photographs of young men with glowing smiles, sporting khaki uniforms and wide‑brimmed hats, posing with weapons under a tropical sun. The fact that marines serve close to the President certainly contributes to their popularity. Marines of the HMX‑1 helicopter squadron have the honor and responsibility of providing short‑range air lift for the President of the United States. The orchestra that plays during official ceremonies at the White House is also part of the Corps. Marines continue to be an instrument of US intervention, and are employed to serve US foreign policy when the situation so requires. The US Marine Corps is one of the most recognizable combat forces worldwide, a flagship of the US armed force. Their popularity manifests itself also in the fact that they are frequent heroes of press releases, books and films.

Внешняя политика один из ресурсов продвижения ««мягкой силы»» государства. При этом источником привлекательности на международной арене должно, по мнению Джозефа Ная, быть гражданское общество. В статье рассматривается, как в российских внешнеполитических документах на концептуальном уровне представлено взаимодействие государства и гражданского общества в сфере продвижения внешнеполитических интересов России. Автор приходит к выводу, что на данном этапе гражданское общество воспринимается государственными структурами как инструмент продвижения «мягкой силы», а не как самостоятельный актор и источник привлекательности России на международной арене. Россия подходит к международным процессам как к двухуровневому процессу с демократическими ценностями и правилами на глобальном уровне и разнообразием моделей развития на национальном уровне. При этом демократический режим необязательно означает демократическоe поведениe на международной арене, и наоборот. Примером такого мышления может быть восприятие Россией внешней политики США, которая основана на либерально-демократических идеях и во многом ею движут ценности, но в России эта внешняя политика воспринимается как realpolitik. Для большинства российских аналитиков США используют ценности для прикрытия своих настоящих национальных интересов, и такой подход отличается от самовосприятия США. В статье также анализируется такой элемент «мягкой силы», как политические ценности и модель развития. Для регионального уровня Россия имеет достаточно чётко сформулированную модель развития сотрудничества на постсоветском пространстве, которая может выступать руководством к принятию внешнеполитических решений. На глобальном же уровне Россия может чётко сформулировать те правила поведения, которые она хотела бы видеть на международной арене, но Россия не формулирует тот вклад, который могла бы сделать российская национальная или же региональная постсоветская модель развития в мировое развитие. ; Foreign policy is one of the instruments of promoting soft power of a state. According to Joseph Nye, civil society is the main source of a state's international attractiveness. The article analyses how Russian official foreign policy documents present interaction between the state and civil society in order to promote Russian soft power. At the present stage Russian civil society is perceived by state structures as an instrument and not a source of soft power. The article also analyses political values and models of developments as elements of soft power as they are presented in official documents. Russia has a coherent normative model of regional development for the post-Soviet space. For the global level Russia formulates rules of behavior that it would like to see at the international arena, but Russia does not formulate how Russian or regional post-Soviet models of development can contribute to world development.

Рассмотрена эволюция восприятия внешней политики ФРГ в контексте доктрины Хальштейна американским руководством в период с середины 1950-х до середины 1960-х гг. Уделено внимание оценкам и мнениями исполнительных и законодательных органов власти США по данному вопросу, а также проанализировано непосредственное взаимодействие двух стран в свете ряда значимых международных событий. Сделано заключение, что формирование внешнеполитического курса США в отношении доктрины Хальштейна в середине 50-х - середине 60-х гг. был крайне противоречивым и сложным процессом. Однако с середины 60-х гг. тональность их отношений начинает меняется. В свете уроков Берлинского, а отчасти и Карибского кризиса стало очевидно, что бескомпромиссность, отсутствие диалога и эскалация подобного рода доктрин может привести к развязыванию мировой ядерной войны, что уже непосредственно затрагивало интересы безопасности самих Соединенных Штатов. Перед Вашингтоном стояла задача доказать мировому сообществу на примере Западной Германии эффективность «доктрины наведения мостов» через смену парадигмы отношений Восток-Запад. Перед руководством ФРГ ставилась задача окончательно отказаться от закостенелых конструкций доктрины Хальштейна, применив дифференцированный подход в отношении стран Социалистического блока повысить свою привлекательность в глазах восточных соседей. ; The evolution of the perception of the foreign policy of Germany in the context of the doctrine of Hallstein American leadership in the period from the mid-1950s until the mid-1960s is considered. The author focuses on estimates and opinions of the executive and legislative bodies of the United States on this issue, as well as analyzes the direct interaction between the two countries in the light of a number of important international events. The author concludes that the formation of foreign policy of the United States with regard to the doctrine of Hallstein in the mid-1950s mid-1960s was highly controversial and complex process interactions between countries. However, since the mid-1960s tone of their relationship begins to change in the relationship. In light of the lessons of Berlin, and partly the Cuban missile crisis, it became clear that the refusal to compromise, the lack of dialogue and the escalation of such doctrines can lead to the outbreak of the global nuclear war that has directly affect the security interests of the United States. Before Washington had the task to prove to the world community as an example of West Germany effectiveness of the doctrine of "building bridges" through a paradigm shift, East-West relations. The leadership of the German task was to finally abandon the ossified structures Hallstein doctrine, applying a differentiated approach towards the countries of the Socialist bloc to boost its appeal in the eyes of the neighbors to the east.

This study examines the role of Russia in cultural cooperation in the Barents Euro-Arctic region. The study is carried out on the basis of five cultural programs in the Barents region from 2003 to 2023. The relevance of the work is associated with the constantly growing interest in the Arctic, however, the cultural side of the issue is rarely considered by researchers. The aim of the work is to determine the goals pursued by Russia in the participation and organization of cultural events in the Barents Euro-Arctic region. To solve the research goal, a complex of complementary research methods is applied. The main methods of analysis are qualitative content analysis, case study and comparative analysis method. The research is based on five programs of cultural cooperation in the Barents region, as well as Russian Strategies on foreign cultural policy, security, and development of the Arctic. The results of this study show that over the 20 years under study, Russia's position in the field of culture in the region has changed radically. This fully coincides with a change in foreign policy and a shift in the vector of interests from building a common cultural platform in the Barents region to preserving Russia's national interests. The change in the role of Russia went through three stages: active participation in all projects of the first programs, independent organization of events and representation of Russia as a platform for cultural dialogue. Since 2016, there has been a withdrawal from multilateral projects and doubts about the usefulness of cultural exchange with European countries. During a comparative analysis of the role of Russia, has been revealed that Russia's position in the region is a status quo, but currently it has a negative connotation due to the political situation. Although Russia has suspended multilateral projects in the region, bilateral ties between cities remain strong, but they are also suffering from financial constraints and the consequences of COVID-19. This work can be used as a basis for further consideration of the role of Russia in the foreign cultural policy of Northern Europe, as well as the comprehensive position of Russia in the Arctic. The significance of the study lies in the novelty of the issue under consideration

Geopolitics and geoeconomics are often addressed together, with the latter seen as a sub-variant of the former. This article shows the usefulness of differentiating them at a conceptual level. By juxtaposing traditional geopolitics and geoeconomics, we suggest that they have remarkably different qualities and implications for their targets, on both national and international levels. Importantly, these include the formation of alliances, and whether they are driven by balancing, bandwagoning or underbalancing dynamics. An analysis of Russia's shifting geostrategy towards Europe shows these differences in practice. Russian geoeconomics has long been successful as a 'wedge strategy', dividing the EU. As a result, the EU has underbalanced and its Russia policies have been incoherent. The observable tendencies in 2014-15 towards a more coherent European approach can be explained by the changing emphasis in Russia's geostrategy. Russia's turn to geopolitics works as a centripetal force, causing a relative increase in EU unity. Centripetal tendencies due to heightened threat perception can be observed in the economic sanctions, emerging German leadership in EU foreign policy, and discussion on energy union. The analysis calls for more attention to the way strategic choices-geopolitics versus geoeconomics-affect the coherence of threatened states and alliance patterns. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)

The head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs called on his long standing diplomatic experience and exceptional interpersonal skills by preparing conditions for negotiations which general Sikorski held in the United States between 23rd and 30th of March 1942. During the negotiations Raczyński, and later Sikorski, ensured financial resources for the operations of the Polish Underground State and included Poland into the Lend- Lease Act. The failures were the lack of Polish-American political agreement and approval of US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to the idea of the European Central Federation. ; Polski kierownik Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych, wykorzystując swoje długoletnie doświadczenie dyplomatyczne i nieprzeciętne zdolności interpersonalne, przygotował grunt do rozmów, które Sikorski odbył w Stanach Zjednoczonych pomiędzy 23 a 30 III 1942 roku. W trakcie negocjacji Raczyńskiemu, a później Sikorskiemu udało się zagwarantować środki finansowe na działalność polskiego podziemia oraz włączyć Polskę do programu lend-lease . Do niepowodzeń zaliczyć trzeba niepodpisanie polsko-amerykańskiego układu politycznego oraz brak aprobaty prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych Franklina Delano Roosevelta dla idei Federacji Środkowo-Europejskiej.