Suchergebnisse

Реферат. Исследуются технико-юридическое оформление действующего российского законодательства об обороте оружия и практика его применения. С позиций оптимизации государственной лицензионно-разрешительной политики рассматриваются отдельные положения Федерального закона «Об оружии», Правил оборота гражданского и служебного оружия и патронов к нему на территории Российской Федерации, других правовых актов, регламентирующих лицензионно-разрешительную систему. Приводятся примеры логических ошибок, допущенных законодателем при построении юридических конструкций, определяющих порядок получения лицензии на приобретение оружия, разрешений на его хранение и ношение. Подвергнуты критике положения ст. 13 Федерального закона «Об оружии», п. 63 Правил оборота гражданского и служебного оружия и патронов к нему на территории Российской Федерации. С учетом правоприменительной практики внесены предложения по изменению редакции этих положений правовых актов. Вскрыты недостатки в организации работы сотрудников полиции, осуществляющих контроль за оборотом гражданского оружия. Предлагается уточнить полномочия сотрудников полиции путем внесения соответствующих дополнений в ведомственные правовые акты, регламентирующие порядок осуществления полномочий полиции по контролю за оборотом гражданского оружия. Проанализированы положения законодательства об административной ответственности за нарушение отдельных правил оборота гражданского оружия. Констатируется отсутствие объекта административного правонарушения, предусмотренного в новой редакции ч. 1 ст. 20.13 КоАП РФ, ввиду отсутствия нормативно установленных правил проведения стрельб для владельцев оружия и граждан, обучающихся безопасному обращению с оружием в спортивных и образовательных учреждениях. Высказывается предложение о разработке подобного рода правил. ; Technical and legal aspects of the current Russian legislation on weapons turnover and the practice of its application are investigated. Certain provisions of the Federal Law "On weapons", the Rules of civilian and service weapons and ammunition turnover on the territory of the RF, other legal acts regulating the licensing system are considered from the perspective of optimizing the state licensing policy. The examples of logical errors made by legislator in the development of legal structures determining the procedure for obtaining license for weapon purchase and permissions for its storage and carrying are given. Provisions of Article 13 of the Federal Law "On weapons", paragraph 63 of the Rules are criticized. Taking into account law enforcement practice, the proposals to change the wording of these provisions of legal acts are made. Shortcomings in the organization of work of police officers controlling the civilian weapons trafficking are revealed. It's proposed to clarify the powers of police officers by making appropriate additions to the departmental legal acts regulating the police powers to control civilian weapons turnover. The provisions of the legislation on administrative responsibility for violation of certain rules of civilian weapons turnover are analyzed. The lack of the object of administrative offense provided by new edition of part 1 of Article 20.13 of the RF Administrative Offences Code is stated. This is due to the lack of legal rules of shooting for gun owners and citizens studying safe gun handling in sports and educational establishments. The proposal to develop such rules is made.

Crime and violence pose a serious challenge to Mexico. The problem appears to be growing worse, with 2011 on pace to become the most violent year on record. The rising violence in Mexico has resulted in a sharply heightened sense of fear among citizens, who now feel the presence of cartels in their every day lives. The use of extortion and kidnapping by cartels combined with a lack of trust in security forces terrorizes the population and makes them feel like they have no where to turn. Despite this fact, crime rates in Mexico remain lower than in other parts of Latin America. Venezuela, for example, has among the highest homicide rates in the world. Yet the pervasive infiltration of cartels into public life gives Mexicans a heightened sense of the severity of violent crime in their own country. Although accurate statistics are hard to come by, it is quite possible that 60,000 people have died in the last six-plus years as a result of armed conflict between the Mexican cartels and the Mexican government, amongst cartels fighting each other, and as a result of cartels targeting citizens. Mexico has been struggling with drug production and drug transit through its territory from South America to the U.S. for many decades, given the fact that it is the most important transit country for drug production originating from South America. In recent years, the escalating violence in Mexico has led to dramatic deterioration of the security situation. Recent wave of drug-war violence is associated with the beginning of the term of President Felipe Calderón in December 2006. The immediate implications of his assumption of the presidency and his hard-line policy, which he has applied against drug cartels and organized criminal groups across the country, were the deployment of Mexican army to fight cartels and the gradual weakening of the influence of local and state police at the expense of federal troops. This was done in order to combat corruption and collaboration of local law-enforcement institutions with drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). The consequence of such a policy, however, has been increased violence among rival cartels and between them and the federal police and military, resulting in a dramatic increase of the number of victims. The future of US-Mexican counter drug cooperation, as well as of the whole bilateral relation in the area of security, depends on the outcome of US presidential elections. As for Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto takes the office on December 1, 2012 that will mark a comeback of his party PRI after 12 years in opposition. As far as the security strategy of the future Mexican President is concerned, there are no significant changes to be expected. Peña Nieto seems to be aware of the current situation and its consequences as well as of the inevitability of an extremely close and dynamic mutual cooperation with the US.

This report investigates the labour and social aspects of sugarcane plantations throughout the world, focusing on plantations in Latin and Central America. These findings are then weighed against the labour policies of the Canadian Wheat Board (CWB) in preparing wheat paper. Additionally, the labour and social practices of India's largest sugarcane paper mill, as well as the world's three largest wheat producers, were analyzed to provide a base index to compare labour rights against. The goal is to produce a recommendation to UBC about investing in TreeZero sugarcane bagasse paper, made from sugarcane harvested in Colombia. For this, publications of major third party observers of the sugarcane industry, as well as the United Nations, were aggregated and analyzed in order to identify the issues that face workers in these nations, as well what policies the local governments have enacted to combat and mitigate these issues. After investigating the issue, it became evident that Colombian workers, as well as workers in the region's most prolific sugarcane producing nations, are subjected to inhumane treatment, including, but not limited to, slavery, violence, insufficient wages, negative working conditions, human trafficking and child labour. Despite pledges to improve the situation, policies have led to hit and miss results, and their enforcement is marred with a lack of systematic application and corruption; no nation has produced a comprehensive set of laws and enforcement protocols that protect workers from abuse and mistreatment. In the Canadian wheat sector, social sustainability is considered one of the top priorities of the CWB and Canada's Government. Even with the removal of CWB's monopsony, the CWB is now working as a voluntary system to partner with the Canadian Government to increase social sustainability for the farmers. Our recommendation is therefore to continue with the wheat paper pilot program at UBC, and to specifically ask for Canadian made wheat paper. If sugarcane is to be used as a sustainable option, further investigation into the social sustainability of TreeFrog's supply chain needs to be conducted to ensure that all suppliers meet workplace standards, through third party observers such as Ethical Sugar and the AFL-CIO. Disclaimer: "UBC SEEDS provides students with the opportunity to share the findings of their studies, as well as their opinions, conclusions and recommendations with the UBC community. The reader should bear in mind that this is a student project/report and is not an official document of UBC. Furthermore readers should bear in mind that these reports may not reflect the current status of activities at UBC. We urge you to contact the research persons mentioned in a report or the SEEDS Coordinator about the current status of the subject matter of a project/report." ; Applied Science, Faculty of ; Unreviewed ; Undergraduate

This dissertation analyzes the legalization process as experienced by immigrant crime victims and their attorneys in Los Angeles, California. Drawing on over three years of ethnographic and qualitative research, I chart the process from the time undocumented immigrants decide they want to regularize their status through a humanitarian remedy and contact attorneys at legal non-profit organizations; through the case development phase, when immigrants collaborate with attorneys to produce compelling petitions for legal standing; to the period of application results and beyond, documenting the consequences of approvals and rejections for immigrants and their families. I also consider immigration lawyers' paths into their profession and examine how their career motivations shape their legal practice. Empirically, I focus on the experiences of female Latin American immigrants as they pursue U Visa status and the attorneys they collaborate with. Created in 2000 through the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act, the U Visa is a temporary legal status for immigrant victims of violent crime that offers a path to permanent residency and U.S. citizenship. This project makes three interrelated contributions to research on immigration, legal mobilization, and legal decision-making. First, I advance scholarship on international migration and immigration policy by building on conceptualizations of immigration control that center on policy interpretation and implementation by mid-level actors and institutions (Armenta, 2011; Gilboy, 1991; Marrow, 2009). By analyzing how lawyers broker between immigrants and the state and between immigrants and other mid-level intermediaries such as police officers, employers, and social services providers, I configure immigration attorneys as both agents and critics of law who simultaneously reinforce and challenge official and unofficial legal notions (Coutin, 2000). In drawing attention to attorneys' complex roles in the application of immigration policies, I show how exclusionary aspects of control characteristic of the contemporary immigration legal regime can filter into efforts intended to benefit immigrants. Second, this dissertation demonstrates critical ways in which law shapes immigrants' lives. Research has examined undocumented immigrants' attempts to acquire socioeconomic resources from a position outside the law (Abrego, 2008; Gleeson, 2009), but I further this agenda by exploring immigrants' endeavors to access benefits associated with legal standing. By analyzing the signaling mechanism involved in converting a legal identity to concrete resources, I illustrate how a political and social climate of migration control combined with a legal context characterized by the multiplication of anomalous statuses between citizen and foreigner produces stratification. Lastly, this dissertation extends the law in action paradigm (Pound, 1910). While most studies of law in action have analyzed how legal actors tailor idiosyncratic details of discrete cases to existing precedents, I consider how law emerges within a confining legal framework that is at the same time not completely institutionalized.

En los últimos años, México ha experimentado un aumento en el narcotráfico y la violencia. Sin mencionar la asociación de políticos en escándalos de corrupción, incluso después de haber atravesado por un proceso de transición democrática. En este escenario, el presente artículo intenta analizar el desarrollo de la corrupción antes y después de la llegada del Partido de Acción Nacional, PAN, a la Presidencia de la República (2000-2012). La hipótesis que guía el presente trabajo supone que el PAN reproduce prácticas corruptivas similares a las que el PRI utilizaba durante su gestión. El texto se desarrolla en cuatro partes. En primer lugar se hace un breve recorrido histórico acerca de la influencia de la corrupción. En segundo plano se examina el rol de la corrupción durante el gestión del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). En tercer nivel se describe la transformación de los modelos de corrupción, y por último se estudia la persistencia de la corrupción en los gobiernos de la transición democrática agrupados en el partido del PAN. El artículo aporta una serie de elementos para el análisis de la corrupción en México desde una perspectiva socio-política e histórica, la cual describe el desarrollo de la corrupción como un fenómeno ampliamente complejo en el que se entretejen factores culturales y económicos, así como estructuras sociales, jurídicas, políticas, y situaciones coyunturales que permiten mayor o menor visibilidad en el fenómeno de la corrupción. ; In recent years, Mexico has experienced an increase of drug trafficking, and violence. Not to mention, the involvement of politicians in corruption scandals even after having gone through a democratic transition. In this scenario, this article tries to analyse the development of the corruption before and after the arrival of the National Action Party, PAN (Partido Accion Nacional), to the Mexican presidency (2000-2012). The hypothesis that guides this work supposes that the PAN reproduced during its ruling similar corruptive practices that the PRI used to apply. The text is developed in four parts. Firstly, it is presented as a brief historical overview of the influence of corruption. Secondly, it is examines the role of corruption during the rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Thirdly, it is describes the transformation of the patterns of corruption, and finally, it studies the persistence of corruption in the governments of the democratic transition represented by the PAN party. The article contributes an array of elements in order to study the corruption in Mexico from a perspective of socio-political and historical, which describes the development of corruption in Mexico as a widely complex phenomenon, interacting cultural and economical factors, as well as social, juridical and political structures, and conjunctures critical that allows more or less visibility to the phenomenon of corruption.

Since the beginning of his administration, President Felipe Calderon launched a war against drug trafficking using the Army and the Federal Police. This strategy has had serious unintended consequences in terms of the level of violence. By August 2010, the government acknowledged that there were 28,000 drug-related deaths since December 2006. This violence has provoked hard criticisms of the Calderon Administration and some analysts have suggested that the decision to attack the drug cartels was motivated by political reasons in order to obtain legitimacy after a very close and polemic Presidential election in 2006. However, since the end of the Fox Administration there are parts of the Mexican territory controlled by drug traffickers, which no State can allow. The paper argues that even if the anti-drug strategy of Calderon has been very costly in terms of violence, there was no other alternative, as the other options were not viable at the beginning of the Calderon administration. From this point of view it is an inevitable war. The weak results achieved to date are due to the fact that the Mexican government does not possess the institutional and human resources to carry out this war. This explains the emphasis of the Mexican government on institutional building. However, this is a long-term solution. In the short term, everything suggests that the high levels of drug-related violence are going to continue. ; Desde el inicio de su gobierno, el presidente Felipe Calderón lanzó una guerra contra el narcotráfico usando al Ejército y a la Policía Federal. Esta estrategia ha tenido consecuencias no deseadas graves en términos de los niveles de violencia. En agosto de 2010, el gobierno reconoció que había 28,000 muertes relacionadas con las drogas, desde diciembre de 2006. Esta violencia ha provocado fuertes críticas al gobierno de Calderón y algunos analistas han sugerido que la decisión de atacar a los cárteles de la droga estuvo motivada por razones políticas, a fin de obtener legitimidad después de una cerrada y polémica elección presidencial en 2006. Sin embargo, desde el fin del gobierno de Fox, había partes del territorio mexicano controladas por narcotraficantes, algo que ningún Estado puede permitir. El documento argumenta que aun cuando la estrategia anti-drogas de Calderón ha sido muy costosa en términos de la violencia, no tenía alternativa. Las otras opciones no eran viables al inicio del gobierno de Calderón. Desde este punto de vista, era una guerra inevitable. Los pobres resultados alcanzados a la fecha se deben al hecho de que el gobierno mexicano no posee los recursos humanos para llevar a cabo esta guerra. Eso es lo que explica el énfasis del gobierno mexicano en la construcción de instituciones. No obstante, ésta es una solución de largo plazo. En el corto plazo, todo sugiere que los altos niveles de narco-violencia van a continuar.

El día primero de Julio de 2008, de acuerdo con lo publicado en el Diario Oficial de la Federación de fecha primero de octubre de 2007, entra en vigor en el país la aplicación del Impuesto a los Depósitos en Efectivo, tema principal de esta tesis, que tiene por objetivo analizar el esfuerzo del gobierno federal por trasparentar este tipo de operaciones. Coincido con la opinión de los legisladores y analistas financieros en que el dinero de lo ilegal solo dejara de ser una actividad expansiva si se afecta su poder económico, o a través de candados regulatorios. Es del conocimiento público, que el surgimiento de grandes negocios en nuestro país mediante el lavado de dinero, proviene del narcotráfico, secuestro, piratería, etc., rubros en los que la autoridad ha llegado a tener algunas sospechas. Desde el año 2000, el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos alerta al Gobierno de México sobre varias empresas y personas físicas a quienes relaciona con operaciones financieras y negocios que se establecen con dinero de actividades ilícitas, aunque este ha manifestado no contar con evidencias reales de su existencia. En este trabajo, puntualizo los efectos que tendrá entre los contribuyentes este nuevo impuesto, y si de alguna manera, regulara el dinero que proviene de actividades ilegales como se pretende en esta nueva Ley; hacer el análisis del beneficio que generara a favor de los contribuyentes sujetos a este impuesto, quienes si realizan sus actividades apegados a las normas establecidas. ; In accordance with what was published in the Official Journal of the Federation on October 1, 2007, on July, 2008, the application of the Tax on Cash Deposits went into effect in Mexico. This is the principal topic of this thesis, the objective of which is to analyze the effort the federal government is making to assure transparency in this type of operation. I agree with the opinion of legislators and financial analysts that money coming from illegal activities can only be restricted if its economic power is affected, or through legal safeguards. It is public knowledge that the appearance of large businesses in our country through money laundering comes from drug trafficking, kidnapping, piracy, etc., areas in which the authorities have a number of suspects. Since the year 2000, the government of the United States government has stated that it has no real evidence of their existence. In this work I point out the effects this new tax will have on taxpayers and whether or not the tax will succeed in regulating money derived from illegal activities, which is the objective of this new law. I also analyze the benefits it will create in favor of the taxpayers subject to the tax, those taxpayers who carry out activities in accordance with the established laws.

The main idea of this document is to make a reflection around the Colombian case of politic corruption. Here we can find some elements that will help us to understand how this big trouble is caused in Colombia. Besides, we can check some special features of Colombian society in connection with the corruption, sums of money related with big frauds happened in this country and some qualification ranks of institutions and American countries made by important organizations dedicated to it in the world. It emphasizes in the transnational character and the main modalities of the politic corruption in Colombia, as well as its causes and effects, the main instruments of fighting against the corruption and one proposal to construct a coherent strategy to eliminate it. It shows how the fighting against the corruption in Colombia has been very complicated because there are degrading factors not only of the people life but also the economic system of this country, such as: inefficiency of justice, drug trafficking and armed conflict.One of the most important topics showed in this document is based on the different ways to attack the corruption, by dedicating big efforts to get best results: involving the institutional forces with the social actors and articulating the efforts of the government with the duties and rights of the citizens.Key Words: politic corruption, public servant, bureaucracy, fraud, proceedings, public hiring. ; El propósito principal del presente trabajo es realizar una reflexión sobre el fenómeno de la corrupción administrativa en Colombia. En éste se aportan algunos elementos claves relacionados con los factores condicionantes de este flagelo en la administración pública colombiana, se resumen las actitudes observadas en la sociedad colombiana, se examinan las cifras relacionadas con el valor monetario de los grandes fraudes ocurridos en Colombia, así como las calificaciones otorgadas a instituciones nacionales y a los países americanos, realizadas por importantes organizaciones nacionales e internacionales estudiosas de este fenómeno. Se resalta en el trabajo el carácter trasnacional de la corrupción administrativa, las principales modalidades de corrupción administrativa en Colombia, así como sus causas y efectos, los principales instrumentos de lucha anticorrupción y una propuesta para construir una estrategia coherente para combatirla. Entre las conclusiones se destaca que en el caso colombiano la lucha contra el flagelo de la corrupción es muy compleja debido a que coexiste con otros fenómenos indeseables y degradantes del desarrollo como la ineficacia de la justicia, el narcotráfico y el conflicto armado. Así mismo, se resalta que para enfrentar con posibilidad de éxito este fenómeno, se requiere un esfuerzo enorme que busque unificar las fuerzas institucionales y de todos los actores sociales, articulando los esfuerzos de éstos, en especial del gobierno, el sector privado y una ciudadanía consciente de sus deberes y derechos.Palabras Clave: Corrupción, servidor público, burocracia, politiquería, clientelismo, fraude, trámites, contratación pública.

Inhaltsangabe: Einleitung: "Niemand darf in Sklaverei oder Leibeigenschaft gehalten werden; Sklaverei und Sklavenhandel sind in allen Formen verboten." Obgleich diesem Artikel der allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte nach auf dieser Welt keine legale Form der Sklaverei existiert, diese darüber hinaus nach Vorstellungen der westlichen Welt einer entfernten Vergangenheit zugeordnet wird, leben gegenwärtig Millionen Frauen, Männer und Kinder in Verhältnissen, die als die moderne Form der Sklaverei oder als moderner Sklavenhandel bezeichnet werden. Menschen können auf die verschiedenste Weise die zum Kauf oder Verkauf stehende "Ware" in gewinnbringenden Handelsgeschäften sein und erfahren durch die Degradierung ihrer Person zum Objekt massive Verletzungen ihrer Menschenwürde und ihrer durch international gültige Instrumente verbrieften Menschenrechte. Betroffen von diesem, im internationalen Kontext als "trafficking in persons" bezeichneten Phänomen, sind insbesondere Frauen, die fremdbestimmt und unfreiwillig gehandelt und in verschiedensten Verhältnissen ausgebeutet werden. Dieser "Frauenhandel", der gegenwärtig auch in und nach Deutschland stattfindet und von dem überwiegend ausländische Migrantinnen aus nicht der EU angehörigen Ländern betroffen sind, ist Gegenstand vorliegender Arbeit. Wie bereits kurz erörtert, ist das Phänomen des Handels mit Menschen unter anderem im Kontext der Menschenrechte zu betrachten und zu bewerten. In vorliegender Arbeit soll der Frage nachgegangen werden, ob und welche in Deutschland an von "Frauenhandel" betroffene Migrantinnen gerichteten Hilfsleistungen aus dem Bereich des sozialarbeiterischen Handelns notwendig für deren Menschenrechtsschutz sind, und was sie für diesen bewirken können. Gang der Untersuchung: Vorliegende Arbeit besteht zunächst aus drei inhaltlich aufeinander aufbauenden Kapiteln. Erstes dient der möglichst genauen und unmissverständlichen Bestimmung des Untersuchungsgegenstandes "Frauenhandel", welcher im Rahmen einer Arbeitsdefinition eingegrenzt wird und als definitorische Grundlage für vorliegende Arbeit dient. Im Rahmen des zweiten Kapitels wird die gegenwärtige Situation des in und nach Deutschland stattfindenden Frauenhandels auf Grundlage der Erkenntnisse aktuellster, frauen- und menschenrechtsorientierter Diskurse (besonders aus dem Bereich der nationalen NGO Arbeit ), exemplarisch aufgezeigt und im besonderen Hinblick auf die häufig und üblich bestehende Lebenssituation der betroffenen Migrantinnen erläutert. Bezug genommen ist hierbei auf die Situation betroffener Frauen, wie sie sich nach Erfahrung verschiedener, frauenrechtsorientiert arbeitender NGO am häufigsten darstellt - auf die Schilderung jedweder Einzelfälle wird bewusst verzichtet. Im direkten inhaltlichen Rückbezug auf die im Rahmen des zweiten Kapitels erfolgte Darstellung der gegenwärtigen Situation des "Frauenhandels" in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wird diese im dritten Kapitel im Kontext der Menschenrechte betrachtet. Aufgezeigt werden soll, in welcher Weise das Phänomen des "Frauenhandels" mit den, durch international gültige Instrumente verbrieften, Menschenrechten der betroffenen Frauen kollidiert und in welcher Weise "Frauenhandel" als menschenrechtliches Problem aufzufassen ist. Sich für den Menschenrechtsschutz der betroffenen Frauen ergebende Handlungsmöglichkeiten aus dem Bereich des sozialarbeiterischen Handelns, sollen schwerpunktmäßig im Rahmen des dritten Kapitel auf ihre Notwendigkeit, als auch auf ihre Potentiale und weiterhin, abschließend, auf ihre gegenwärtige Verfügbarkeit und derzeit in Deutschland vorliegende Hindernisse untersucht und bewertet werden. Inhaltsverzeichnis:Inhaltsverzeichnis: Abkürzungsverzeichnis6 0.Einleitung8 1.Bestimmung des Untersuchungsgegenstandes10 1.1Begriffsdefinitionen von "Frauenhandel"/"Handel mit Personen"10 1.1.1"Frauenhandel" nach juristischer Definition des deutschen Strafrechtes11 1.1.2"Frauenhandel" nach neuer UN-Definition14 1.1.3Handel mit Personen nach Definition der HRS16 1.2Systematisierung der Definitionen17 1.2.1Tendenzen der Definitionen18 1.2.2Charakteristika des Phänomens21 1.2.2.1Kernelemente des "Handels mit Menschen"22 1.2.2.1Der geschlechtsspezifische Aspekt des Handels mit Menschen24 1.2.3Abgrenzung von Frauenhandel zu ähnlichen Phänomenen25 2.Die gegenwärtige Situation des modernen Frauenhandels in Deutschland29 2.1Der Ablauf des Frauenhandels29 2.1.1Frauenmigration und Frauenhandel30 2.1.1.1Ursachen der Frauenmigration30 2.1.1.2Möglichkeiten der Frauenmigration33 2.1.2Von der Frauenmigration zum Frauenhandel: Einflussnahme der Täterschaft auf betroffene Frauen34 2.1.2.1Anwerbung in den Frauenhandel35 2.1.2.2Arbeitsbereiche und -bedingungen des modernen Frauenhandels in Deutschland36 2.1.2.3Verhinderung der Loslösung aus Arbeits- und Abhängigkeitsverhältnissen39 2.2Ausmaß des modernen Frauenhandels in Deutschland41 2.2.1Aktuelle Zahlen41 2.2.2Herkunftsländer42 2.3Ursachen des Frauenhandels44 2.3.1Hauptursachen des Frauenhandels44 2.3.1.1Kausale Bedingungen in den Herkunftsländern44 2.3.1.2Kausale Bedingungen in den Zielländern45 2.3.2Verstärkende Faktoren46 2.3.2.1Restriktive Einwanderungsbestimmungen46 2.3.2.1Geringes Täterrisiko bei hohen Profitmöglichkeiten47 2.4Lebenssituation ausländischer Frauenhandelsopfer in Deutschland49 2.4.1Rechtliche Situation50 2.4.2Ökonomische Situation51 2.4.3Soziale Situation53 2.4.4Gesundheitliche Situation55 3.Frauenhandel im Kontext der Menschenrechte58 3.1Frauenhandel und Menschenrechte58 3.1.1Exkurs Menschenrechte59 3.1.1.1Bedeutung und Intention der Menschenrechte59 3.1.1.2Rechtsverbindlichkeit der Menschenrechte60 3.1.2Frauenhandel als menschenrechtliches Problem60 3.1.2.1Frauenhandel als manifeste und akute Menschenrechtsverletzung61 3.1.2.2Menschenrechtliche Konsequenzen des Frauenhandels63 3.2Hilfs- und Unterstützungsmaßnahmen für von Frauenhandel betroffene Migrantinnen - Nationale NGO-Tätigkeit und ihr menschenrechtliches Potential65 3.2.1Tätigkeitsfelder und Leistungen nationaler NGO-Arbeit66 3.2.1.1Tätigkeitsfeld Beratung66 3.2.1.2Tätigkeitsfeld Betreuung67 3.2.1.3Tätigkeitsfeld Rückkehrhilfe69 3.2.2Potential sozialarbeiterischer Hilfs- und Unterstützungsmaßnahmen für den Menschenrechtsschutz betroffener Frauen70 3.2.3Gegenwärtige Verfügbarkeit und Hindernisse sozialarbeiterischer Hilfs- und Unterstützungsmaßnahmen73 3.2.3.1Gegenwärtige Hindernisse und Einschränkungen73 3.2.3.2Gegenwärtige Verfügbarkeit und Zielgruppe77 3.2.4Defizite im Menschenrechtsschutz ausländischer Frauen-Handelsopfer durch die staatliche Betrachtungsweise des Frauenhandels81 3.2.4.1Bewertung des Frauenhandel als ausländerrechtliches Problem81 3.2.4.2Bewertung des Menschenhandels als Strafverfolgungsproblem83 4.Zusammenfassung und Ergebnis87 5.Ausblick92 Literaturverzeichnis93

The C2 domain of protein kinase Cα (PKCα) corresponds to the regulatory sequence motif, found in a large variety of membrane trafficking and signal transduction proteins, that mediates the recruitment of proteins by phospholipid membranes. In the PKCα isoenzyme, the Ca2+-dependent binding to membranes is highly specific to 1,2-sn-phosphatidyl-L-serine. Intrinsic Ca2+ binding tends to be of low affinity and non-cooperative, while phospholipid membranes enhance the overall affinity of Ca2+ and convert it into cooperative binding. The crystal structure of a ternary complex of the PKCα-C2 domain showed the binding of two calcium ions and of one 1,2-dicaproyl-sn-phosphatidyl-L-serine (DCPS) molecule that was coordinated directly to one of the calcium ions. The structures of the C2 domain of PKCα crystallised in the presence of Ca2+ with either 1,2-diacetyl-sn-phosphatidyl-L-serine (DAPS) or 1,2-dicaproyl-sn-phosphatidic acid (DCPA) have now been determined and refined at 1.9 Å and at 2.0 Å, respectively. DAPS, a phospholipid with short hydrocarbon chains, was expected to facilitate the accommodation of the phospholipid ligand inside the Ca2+-binding pocket. DCPA, with a phosphatidic acid (PA) head group, was used to investigate the preference for phospholipids with phosphatidyl-L-serine (PS) head groups. The two structures determined show the presence of an additional binding site for anionic phospholipids in the vicinity of the conserved lysine-rich cluster. Site-directed mutagenesis, on the lysine residues from this cluster that interact directly with the phospholipid, revealed a substantial decrease in C2 domain binding to vesicles when concentrations of either PS or PA were increased in the absence of Ca2+. In the complex of the C2 domain with DAPS a third Ca2+, which binds an extra phosphate group, was identified in the calcium-binding regions (CBRs). The interplay between calcium ions and phosphate groups or phospholipid molecules in the C2 domain of PKCα is supported by the specificity and spatial organisation of the binding sites in the domain and by the variable occupancies of ligands found in the different crystal structures. Implications for PKCα activity of these structural results, in particular at the level of the binding affinity of the C2 domain to membranes, are discussed. © 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. ; This research was supported by grants PB98-0389 to the Universidad de Murcia, and BIO099-0865 to the IBMB and by 1FD97-1558 from DGESIC (Spain) to a collaborative project between the Universidad de Murcia and the IBMB. Data were collected at the EMBL protein crystallography beamlines at ESRF (Grenoble) within a Block Allocation Group (BAG Barcelona), as at ESRF BM14. This work was supported financially by the ESRF and by grant HPRI-CT-1999-00022 of the European Union. ; Peer Reviewed

The present study combines data from Mexico's employment surveys (Encuesta Nacional de Empleo and Encuesta Nacional de Ocupación y Empleo) with the country's official statistics on murder rates to create a state-level panel data set covering the period 1995 to 2013. Including most of the common controls identified by the literature, the results show that the rate of male youth ages 19 to 24 not studying and out of work (the so-called ninis), is not correlated with homicide rates during the period 1995 to 2006. However, there is evidence that a positive correlation between male ninis and murder rates arises between 2007 and 2013, a period during which murder rates in Mexico increased threefold. The association between ninis and homicide rates is stronger in states located along the border with the United States, a region particularly affected by organized crime and the international financial crisis of 2008-09.

A revealing look at the history and legacy of the "War on Drugs"Fifty years after President Richard Nixon declared a "War on Drugs," the United States government has spent over a trillion dollars fighting a losing battle. In recent years, about 1.5 million people have been arrested annually on drug charges—most of them involving cannabis—and nearly 500,000 Americans are currently incarcerated for drug offenses. Today, as a response to the dire human and financial costs, Americans are fast losing their faith that a War on Drugs is fair, moral, or effective.In a rare multi-faceted overview of the underground drug market, featuring historical and ethnographic accounts of illegal drug production, distribution, and sales, The War on Drugs: A History examines how drug war policies contributed to the making of the carceral state, racial injustice, regulatory disasters, and a massive underground economy. At the same time, the collection explores how aggressive anti-drug policies produced a "deviant" form of globalization that offered economically marginalized people an economic life-line as players in a remunerative transnational supply and distribution network of illicit drugs. While several essays demonstrate how government enforcement of drug laws disproportionately punished marginalized suppliers and users, other essays assess how anti-drug warriors denigrated science and medical expertise by encouraging moral panics that contributed to the blanket criminalization of certain drugs. By analyzing the key issues, debates, events, and actors surrounding the War on Drugs, this timely and impressive volume provides a deeper understanding of the role these policies have played in making our current political landscape and how we can find the way forward to a more just and humane drug policy regime

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: A Forgotten History -- Part one. ascendance -- 1. Wheels of Progress: Tropical Commodities and Regional Formation -- 2. Coming from the Mountain: Coffee Contraband and Marijuana Smuggling -- Part two. peak -- 3. Santa Marta Gold: Technological Adaptations and Boom -- 4. Party Animals: Vallenato Music and Cultural Negotiation -- Part three. decline -- 5. Two Peninsulas: Narcotics Diplomacy and the War on Drugs -- 6. Reign of Terror: Criminalization and Violence -- Conclusions: A Remembered History -- Appendix. Comment on Oral Sources -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index