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Research supported by the Technology Division, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio. ; "July 26, 1961." ; Includes bibliographical references (pages 8-9). ; Mode of access: Internet.

"MF12.524.005-5016BXIJ." ; "Bureau of Medicine and Surgery." ; "Released by Captain N. W. Allebach, MC, USN, Officer in Charge." ; "Approved by Ashton Graybiel, M. D., Assistant for Scientific Programs." ; "8 September 1971." ; "Army-Navy joint report : U.S. Army Aeromedical Research Laboratory, Naval Aerospace Medical Research Laboratory." ; USAARL serial no. 72-4. ; Includes bibliographical references (page 37). ; Mode of access: Internet.

"MF12.524.005-5016BX1J." ; "Bureau of Medicine and Surgery." ; "Released by Captain N. W. Allebach, MC, USN, Officer in Charge." ; "Approved by Ashton Graybiel, M. D., Assistant for Scientific Programs." ; "7 April 1972." ; "Army-Navy joint report : U.S. Army Aeromedical Research Laboratory, Naval Aerospace Medical Research Laboratory." ; USAARL serial no. 72-13. ; Includes bibliographical references (page 37). ; Mode of access: Internet.

This investigation examines a teachers' local (local 22 of the National Union of Education Workers of Mexico (SNTE)) in the Mexican state of Oaxaca and the effects of repression on the oligarchization of local 22. Using sociologist Robert Michels' theory of oligarchization known as the "iron law of oligarchy"—which claims that any democratic organization that becomes large enough to bureaucratize will inevitably become an oligarchy—as a framework, this investigation makes the argument that external influences, specifically government repression, can force an organization to become oligarchic, thus occupying an important, yet unexplored space within the "iron law" theory. Michels' theory focuses on an organizations' internal issues such as bureaucratization, centralization of power, and technical specialization of job positions as the factors that push an organization to become oligarchic without accounting for external issues faced by organizations that can also influence a shift to oligarchy. Through historical research, interviews of local 22 members, and observations carried out in Oaxaca City this investigation argues that intense government repression and violence against local 22 beginning in 2006 and continuing for the next ten years significantly affected local 22's shift toward oligarchy, more so than the bureaucratization and centralization that took place within the local.

After the 2020 war (the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War), the South Caucasus region entered a period of the collapse of the fragile regional security system architecture shaped while maintaining the status quo, and the serious transformation of the security environment in the region. This is stipulated by several factors ensuing, among other things, from the geopolitical and geostrategic processes taking place in other regions, in particular, the Russia – Ukraine conflict and the aggravation of relations between Russia and the West. Because of these processes, the West's urge to weaken Russia has increased both in political (limiting Russia's zone of influence, including in traditionally "pro–Russian" regions, such as the South Caucasus and Central Asia) and economical aspects, limiting Russia's role as a supplier of hydrocarbon energy carriers and the East-West transit corridor. This has led to a significant decrease in the level of Russia's limiting influence in the South Caucasus, and the emergence of serious opportunities to reinvigorate their policy in this region both for Turkey, and extra-regional global actors, such as the United States, the European Union, China and India. Each of those pursues its own geo­strategic and geo-economic interests here, and throughout the process is acting in their own traditional manner, which has been developed in the system of implementing their national foreign policy.

According to the analysis carried out, if the activity of the United States' and the European Union's policies in the South Caucasus depends on the factors of geopolitical rivalry between the West and Russia, then the activation of China's and India's policies largely comes from the activation of the processes of unblocking regional communications, resulting in the occurrence of an alternative to the northern (Russian) corridor, the use of which in greatly restricted due to the Russia – Ukraine conflict. In addition, it becomes imperative for Armenia, in the process of transforming the security environment in the South Caucasus, to indemnify for the decrease in the efficiency of deterrents conditioned solely by the geopolitical presence of the Russian Federation, without changing the foreign policy.