Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag zu Corporate Citizenship (CC) von Unternehmen identifiziert die Felder von Unternehmensethik und CC als Aktions- und Orientierungsformen: Felder, auf denen sich der gesellschaftliche Diskurs vollziehen kann und in denen neue Kooperationen entstehen können. Dabei gilt es, die Dimensionen unternehmerischer Verantwortung (Macht, Geld, Sinn) als Leitmedien des sozialen Lebens nicht zu isolieren, sondern in ihren Wechselwirkungen zu reflektieren. Die Ausführungen gliedern sich in die folgenden Aspekte: (1) das klassische Bild des Unternehmers zwischen Abenteurer und strategischem Genie, (2) die industrielle und bürokratische Rationalisierung, (3) die Aktivierung von Engagement und Interesse im Kontext technisch geprägter Apparate und sozialer Netze, (4) Cultural Citizenship (Mäzenatentum, Sponsoring), (5) CC zwischen Bürgergesellschaft und Zivilgesellschaft, (6) die Individualisierungsprozesse in der Arbeitsorganisation sowie (7) die Herausforderungen der modernen Unternehmensführung durch die sozialen Probleme und Potenziale ihrer inneren und äußeren Umwelten. Vernetzung und Lernen erzeugen auf diese Weise in sozial engagierten Unternehmen Sinn über die Marktrationalität hinaus. (ICG2)

What do we know about the relationship between Europe, the European Union and European identity? While national identity is a multifaceted phenomenon, European identity has been linked to the growth of the European Union. This article attempts to analyze some of the attributes of individuals with European identity in central and eastern Europe prior to EU accession by applying existing hypotheses on correlates of European identity. The phenomenon of identification with Europe prior to EU accession provides a window into understanding the identity mechanisms that inform the concept of European identity. The first Eurobarometer surveys measuring European identification in central and eastern accession states reported a puzzling finding: that more people, not less, identified with Europe than in existing EU states. An analysis of the Eurobarometer results provides counter-intuitive comparisons and contrasts between eastern and western Europe and uncovers potential mechanisms illustrating the content of contemporary European identity. Adapted from the source document.

On Friday, July 20, 2012, James Holmes entered a movie theater in Aurora, Colorado armed with a 100-round drum magazine, a Smith and Wesson M and P15 assault rifle (the "civilian version of the Military's M-16) capable of firing 60 bullets per minute, a Remington shotgun, and a .40 caliber handgun. On that day, Holmes used those weapons to shoot 71 people, twelve of whom died. Less than six months later, on December 14, 2012, 20-year old Adam Lanza, immediately after shooting and killing his mother in their home, proceeded to Sandy Hook Elementary School where he shot and killed 26 people - 20 children and 6 adults - before killing himself. After the bodies were carried away, the final body count stood at 28, making it the second most deadly school shooting in United States history. In response to Aurora, many cried for stricter gun control laws while others determined to arm themselves: Colorado saw a 41% increase in background checks for hopeful gun owners in the direct aftermath of the incident, a response "not unusual" after a mass shooting. Media attention was lavished on these two aforementioned mass murders because their spectacular violence and seemingly-random nature incites the curiosity of the nation; synchronously, the attention these events receive is disproportionate compared to the negligible attention received by the 276 people shot daily in the United States, 84 of whom will die as a result of their injuries. Yet, it is these mass violence spectacles that demonstrate why the debate surrounding gun control and gun protection is so fierce: incidences of mass violence either incite fear, causing one to support protection measures via gun ownership or via stricter gun legislation. The driving force behind one side of the "culture war" surrounding arms is the National Rifle Association.

Curaçao, one of the five islands of the Dutch Caribbean federation called the Netherlands Antilles, currently stands at a crossroad of constitutional reform. In the context of these changes at the political level, it is logical that national identities are being redefined and repositioned. The developments in the fashioning of national identities in Curaçao deserve attention locally but also regionally. How do people in Curaçao construct national identities in daily life? How is a national collective constructed on the one hand, and how are differences with other collectivities constructed on the other hand? The historical context of constitutional changes that have occurred over the years is considered as well as an examination of the present discourse on constitutional reform. These identity issues are then placed within a wider Caribbean context. Resumen: La complejidad de la construcción de la identidad nacional en Curaçao,en el Caribe holandés Curaçao, una de las cinco islas de la federación caribeña neerlandesa llamada Antillas Holandesas, se encuentra hoy en día en una encrucijada de reformas constitucionales. En el contexto de estos cambios a nivel político, es lógico que las identidades nacionales sean redefinidas y reposicionadas. Los desarrollos en la formulación de identidades nacionales en Curaçao merecen atención local, y también regional. ¿Cómo construye la gente en Curaçao identidades nacionales en la vida cotidiana? ¿Cómo, por un lado, se construye el colectivo nacional y, por otro, cómo se construyen las diferencias con otras colectividades? En este análisis se estudia el contexto histórico de los cambios constitucionales que han ocurrido en el curso del tiempo y se realiza igualmente una revisión del actual discurso sobre la reforma constitucional. Estos problemas de identidad son analizados entonces en un contexto caribeño más amplio.

This paper analyzes North Korea's most central foreign policy discourse in the post-Cold War era: the discourse of the Diplomatic War. Embedding North Korea's nuclear strive and its conflictual relations with a significant Other - the U.S. - the analysis of this discourse provides crucial insights into the immaterial factors driving North Korea's foreign relations in the post-Cold War era. In specific, the study focusses on two central characteristics of the discourse, i.e. the writing of identity and the construction of dangers and fear. Applying a poststructuralist, discourse analytical approach the study investigates the constitutive and performative relation between identity and threat constructions and North Korean foreign policy in the context of the nuclear issue, focusing on the question how identity rhetoric and attributions are used to legitimize its nuclear endeavors. ; Este trabajo analiza el núcleo central del discurso de política exterior de Corea del Norte en la era de la Posguerra Fría: el discurso de la guerra diplomática. Incluyendo el esfuerzo del rearme nuclear y sus conflictivas relaciones con el significado "Otro" - los Estados Unidos- el análisis de esete discuros proporciona información crucial sobre los factores inmateriales que conducen las relaciones exteriores de Corea del Norte en la era posterior a la Guerra Fría. En concreto, el estudio se centra en dos características centrales del discurso, como son la escritura de la identidad y la construcción del peligro y el miedo. Recurriendo a un enfoque basado en un discurso analítico postestructuralista, el estudio investiga la relación constitutiva y performativa entre identidad y construcción de amenazas y la política exterior de Corea del Norte en el contexto de la cuestión nuclear, centrándose en la cuestión de cómo la retórica de la identidad y las atribuciones se utilizan para legitimar sus esfuerzos nucleares. ; Aquest treball analitza el nucli central del discurs de política exterior de Corea del Nord en l'era de la Postguerra Freda: el discurs de la guerra diplomática. Incloent-hi l'esforç del rearmament nuclear i les seves relacions conflictives amb l'"Altre" significatiu -els Estats Units- l'anàlisi d'aquest discurs proporciona información crucial sobre les factors immaterials que condueixen les relacions exteriors de Corea del Nord en l'era posterior a la Guerra Freda. En concret, l'estudi se centra en dues característiques centrals del discurs, com són l'escriptura de la identitat i la construcción del perill i la por. Recorrent a un enfocament basat en un discurs analític postestructuralista, l'estudi investiga la relació constitutiva i performativa entre identitat i construcción d'amenaces i la política exterior de Corea del Nord en el context de la qüestió nuclear, centrant-se en la qüestió de com la retòrica de la identitat i les atribucions s'utilitzen per legitimar les seves pretensions nuclears.

Social media sites have appeared during the last 10 years and their use has exploded all over the world. Twitter is a microblogging service that has currently 320 million user profiles and over 100 million daily active users. Many celebrities and leading politicians have a verified profile on Twitter, including Justin Bieber, president Obama, and the Pope. In this paper we investigate the ''hundreds of Putins and Obamas phenomenon' on Twitter. We collected two data sets in 2015 containing 582 and 6477 profiles that are related to the G20 leaders' profiles on Twitter. The number of namesakes varied from 5 to 1000 per leader. We analysed in detail various aspects of the Putin and Erdogan related profiles. For the first ones we looked into the language of the profiles, their follower sets, the address in the profile and where the tweets were really sent from. For both profile sets we investigated why the accounts were created. For this, we deduced 12 categories based on the information in the profile and the contents of the sent tweets. The research is exploratory in nature, but we tentatively looked into online identity, communication and political theories that might explain emergence of these kinds of Twitter profiles. ; peerReviewed

"In 2010 approximately 15 percent of all new marriages in the United States were between spouses of different racial, ethnic, or religious backgrounds, raising increasingly relevant questions regarding the multicultural identities of new spouses and their offspring. But while new census categories and a growing body of statistics provide data, they tell us little about the inner workings of day-to-day life for such couples and their children. JewAsian is a qualitative examination of the intersection of race, religion, and ethnicity in the increasing number of households that are Jewish American and Asian American. Helen Kiyong Kim and Noah Samuel Leavitt's book explores the larger social dimensions of intermarriages to explain how these particular unions reflect not only the identity of married individuals but also the communities to which they belong. Using in-depth interviews with couples and the children of Jewish American and Asian American marriages, Kim and Leavitt's research sheds much-needed light on the everyday lives of these partnerships and how their children negotiate their own identities in the twenty-first century"--

This article analyses third-party mediation of identity-based conflicts, which are notoriously difficult to resolve. It seeks to reconcile the contradiction in the mediation literature between the need for less coercive strategies to ensure ownership of a peace agreement and the need for more coercive strategies to reach a final agreement. Through an analysis of mediation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the article makes four contributions to existing literature. First, the article develops a theoretical 'best fit' model that proposes a u-shaped relationship between intensity of mediator coercion and transition through phases of negotiation. Second, it challenges the prevailing notion that pre-negotiation does not involve coercion. Third, it suggests that epistemological and ontological understandings of a conflict and the role of a mediator by both the mediator and the parties mean that mediators enjoy limited capacity to effectively shift from high- to low-coercive strategies. Multi-party mediation can provide the flexibility needed to execute the coercion u-curve effectively. Fourth, it challenges existing understandings of the US-mediated negotiations during the Annapolis process, 2007–08.