Suchergebnisse

South Sudan faces serious problems of food insecurity due to low per capita levels of domestic food production, periodic droughts, widespread poverty, political unrest, and since late 2013, renewed armed conflict. Agricultural productivity is low, and the country is highly dependent on private-sector imports of cereals (maize, sorghum, wheat, and rice) from Uganda to supply domestic markets. National household survey data indicate substantial diversity in consumption of cereals across households, and our econometric estimates suggest highly price- and income-inelastic demand for the two major cereals, sorghum and maize. Drawing on a review of international experience and the constraints facing South Sudan, we conclude that a national food security reserve (NFSR) system with a small national food security stock is feasible for South Sudan. Cereal stocks would be kept mainly for targeted safety nets and emergency distribution, and market interventions would be limited in scope, in keeping with a long-run goal of market development. Nonetheless, even with a functioning NFSR, promotion of private-sector domestic and import trade will remain crucial for ensuring adequate supplies of grain and food security ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; E Building Resilience; C Improving markets and trade; CRP2; Strategic Food Reserve ; DSGD; MTID; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

AbstractNowhere is the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in development and democratization more critical than in countries at high risk of mass atrocities. In this article, we examine the actual and potential role of development CSOs in the prevention of mass atrocities based on an analysis of 302 CSOs in South Sudan. The article examines if and how service‐providing CSOs frame their work as contributing to the prevention of mass atrocities. The article seeks to understand how these CSOs deliver services and articulate their work regarding the prevention of large‐scale identity‐based violence. We aim to explore the degree to which organizations describe atrocity prevention as an intentional part of democratization efforts. The article is situated within the larger debates about the service delivery and civil society functions of CSOs. Specifically, we ask: To what extent do development CSOs articulate a contribution to the prevention of mass atrocities? We posit that the service delivery and civil society functions can be better achieved by giving deliberate attention to an atrocity prevention perspective.

Studies the strength of ethnonationalism among Iraq's Kurds & Sudan's southerners, & questions whether the level of political development of these militant minority groups enables them to achieve their stated national objectives. Five criteria are analyzed: land & people, origins of the problem, nature of demands, extent of political development, & environmental constraints. It is shown that the southern Sudanese & Iraqi Kurdish movements are inherently weak & incapable of pursuing achievable objectives. Lack of solidarity, underdeveloped national feeling, nonconciliatory government position, & nonsupportive regional & international powers make the success of present autonomy proposals highly unlikely for both Iraqi Kurds & southern Sudanese. Adapted from the source document.

This thesis uses postcolonial theory and the concept of decolonising education to examine the education practices of four Norwegian NGOs in South Sudan. Over the last few years, there has been an upsurge in debates about the need to decolonise academia and include indigenous knowledge systems (IKS) in education. However, it seems that international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) have not faced the same scrutiny or call for investigation of their education provision. As INGOs play an important part in education provision around the world, the thesis calls for their practices to be analysed in light of decolonisation theory, so as to situate their role and critically examine their practices. The findings will suggest that there is no clear and organisation-wide strategy by the NGOs to decolonise education, and that the default response to the question of education provision is that interventions are aligned to national priorities and regulations set by the South Sudanese government and donors. The thesis argues that there needs to be a wider understanding of the positionality and power of INGOs in educational decolonisation. The global architecture of education makes it difficult for the global South to decolonise without the reflection, acknowledgement of the issue, and the will to change these practices by those who are providing the education. At the same time, the thesis finds that there is some incorporation of local knowledge by the Norwegian NGOs. This varies between including local music, songs, dance and storytelling, to using local examples and names to localise learning, and collating local stories and nursery rhymes in a published manner. There are also a couple examples of deliberately using decolonial theory, such as basing a life-skills programme on Freire's pedagogy, and including indigenous knowledges and global South scholars in a master's programme. Thus, the NGOs can be situated as trying to incorporate some elements of local knowledge, but not as structuring their whole education programmes according to the concept of decolonising education. The thesis argues it is important to see how INGOs are situated within decolonisation of education. This can give us further insight on how to provide quality education in the relevant country. Applying the concept of decolonising education can broaden our view of INGOs' role in education provision beyond simply being service providers where the government fails. ; M-IR

Despite increasing bank competitiveness within the country for the past half-decade there has been scant literature examining their stability in the face of the numerous internal factors and economic shocks. Hence the current research aims to determine if bank stability has any effect on commercial bank's fiscal performance in South Sudan. The study was guided by the CAMEL model metrics (ROA and ROE) in measuring stability and its influence on the monetary performance of commercial banks. SPSS 23 was used to carry out subsequent descriptive and inferential statistical analysis. The study was primarily grounded on the CAMEL model. The correlation tests indicated that asset quality had a strong positive effect on monetary performance of commercial banks p= .784; a strong positive effect of management efficiency p= .758 and liquidity p= .620.

This paper examines military landscapes as a source of violence, and soldiers' efforts to deal with this violence by using their spiritual beliefs. The paper reveals how Ugandan soldiers who fought in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and South Sudan believed that their survival in war was a consequence of their spiritual beliefs in God rather than the mighty power of the gun and their military knowledge. The paper is based on life histories of former Ugandan soldiers drawing on interviews with nine former soldiers. The soldiers encountered the strange terrains and landscapes of armed conflict, whilst enduring scarcity of the basic necessities in war. The soldiers described how the mighty and supernatural powers of the transcendent, as well as the promise of tradition and spiritual belief, were seen as important in understanding their survival in armed conflict. The paper emphasizes the importance of an understanding of spirituality in explorations of the violence of military landscapes

This study deals with the conceptual analysis of the challenges experienced by military peacekeepers in the United Nations (UN) operations. The research focused on the problems that military personnel encountered during the United Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) between 2005 and 2011. Many findings summarised from the respondents and through documents reviewed elucidated various challenges peacekeepers in UN missions experience. This study's specific objectives were to assess the necessary preparations that made military peacekeepers operationally ready for the UNMIS Peace Support Operations (PSO); to determine whether there was any pre-deployment training conducted for military peacekeepers during the UNMIS; to investigate whether there were command and control issues in the mission; and finally, to examine whether military peacekeepers were acquainted with the fundamental UN principles and core values. The study used the purposive sampling technique to identify relevant subjects best suited to provide informed feedback through interviews and a questionnaire. Most of the respondents were from Botswana and Malawi, with additional valuable subjects from the different countries who participated in the UNMIS as staff officers, formed units, and observers. The level of operational readiness of individual military personnel was found inconsistent among participants from different countries due to the varying level of attention given to pre-deployment training and planning. Some individuals did not know about the UN core values, principles and critical resolution documents such as the Status of Mission Agreement (SOMA), Status of Force Agreement (SOFA), Rules of Engagement (ROE), and the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) that were critical towards operationalising the UNMIS mandate to achieve the operational objectives. The concepts of command and control and reporting procedure continue to cause severe rifts between uniformed personnel and their civilian counterparts. Some of the areas that require further study include the challenges in command and control, vagueness in the rules of engagement, lack of clarity of the chain of leadership in the field area, lack of interoperability of equipment, the necessary operational readiness training, and the development of joint doctrine. ; Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Governmental and Social Sciences, 2020

Since Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed, its border with Uganda has become a hub of activity. Contrasting developments on the Ugandan side of the border with those on the South Sudanese side, the paper draws on empirical fieldwork to argue that the CPA has created new centres of power in the margins of both states. However, in day-today dealings on either side of the border, South Sudanese military actors have become dominant. In the particular case of Arua and the South Sudan- Uganda border, past wartime authority structures determine access to opportunities in a tightly regulated, inconclusive peace. This means that small- scale Ugandan traders -- although vital to South Sudan -- have become more vulnerable to South Sudan's assertions of state authority. The experience of Ugandan traders calls into question the broad consensus that trade across the border is always beneficial for peace-building. The paper concludes that trade is not unconditionally helpful to the establishment of a peaceful environment for everyone. Adapted from the source document.

Master i flerkulturell og internasjonal utdanning ; Most democratic societies expect their schools to play an important role in helping citizens to develop a set of attitudes, values, beliefs and knowledge that are conducive to the maintenance of democratic institutions. There is no important task for a nation other than developing an informed and responsible democratic citizenry through education. Therefore, it is imperative that educators, policymakers, and members of civil society should concern themselves with streamlining democratic issues in the educational programs in the primary schools for the advancement of democratic institutions and governance. Internal demands for democracy and the rule of law combined with the externally driven democratization and good governance projects has left some African states to experience a transition from one-party system of governance, military rule or civilian dictatorships to various forms of political pluralism systems of government. Yet schools, the very institutions expected to prepare students for democracy have not been given adequate attention for playing a central role in the mission of preparing young citizens for democracy. The purpose of this study is to determine how primary schools in South Sudan promote practices of democracy. In that regard, this study sought to answer the following research questions: 1) What are the education policies of the Government of South Sudan on the promotion of democracy in primary schools? 2) What are the pupils and teachers perception of democracy? 3) How do primary school organizational structures contribute to the practices of democracy? The empirical part of the thesis was based on a fieldwork study of three primary schools in South Sudan. A qualitative research approach was used and in all twenty participants consisting of pupils, teachers, head teachers and government officials were interviewed. Observation of activities in the schools was also done together with a study of documents as source of information. The following theoretical concepts informed the conduct and execution of this research study: democracy, citizen participation and socialization. The following major findings featured out in this study: There are policies for fostering democratic values and behaviours in primary schools of South Sudan. These policies include, inter alia, a South Sudan education policy for inculcating democratic values and practices in learners by encouraging participatory learning, development of critical thinking and problem-solving skills. The study has also revealed a South Sudan education policy for the involvement of local community through SMC (School Management Committee) and PTA (Parents and Teachers Associations) as the school governing bodies with managerial powers over financial management; disciplinary management; co-curricula activities management; teacher and learner welfare management. Other roles include overseeing mobilization of resources by the community. There is also a South Sudan government education policy that requires prefect systems to be formed in a democratic manner at every public primary school as pupils' representative for establishing formal channels of communication between learners and the school administration. The findings further indicate that both pupils and teachers' perception of democracy is that they view democracy as a way of governing society. In general, their understanding of democracy is that democracy is a method. It is has to do with participation in voting or election and institutions of the school such as the prefects, the school management committees and the parents and teachers association. Moreover, their concept of democracy includes knowledge on the government, democratic systems, legislative power, and the structure of parliament. In that regard and in my own point of view, their concept of democracy is that it is not a way of life or process but rather it is a way of governing.

The Responsibility to Protect, the report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), focused on three international responsibilities in the area of human security: the responsibility to prevent, the responsibility to react, and the responsibility to rebuild. The report acknowledged the difficulty of identifying countries likely to experience widespread civil violence and then predicting when this would occur. But the authors of this book submit that if ever a case of a "responsibly to prevent" was possible to anticipate, South Sudan was it. A Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) ended the Sudanese second civil war in 2005 with a call for a referendum to be held in South Sudan in 2011 to determine the region's future, In the event, an overwhelming majority voted for independence for the region. The question that motivated this book is whether the CPA would set in motion a process resulting in yet another brutal conflict, and, if that conflict was widely predicted, what should be the response of the international community in terms of "responsibility to prevent"? Mass media coverage has been identified as an important factor in mobilizing the international community into action in crisis and potential crisis situations; however, the impact of media reporting on actual decision-making is unclear. Thirty-plus years of research has demonstrated consistent agenda-setting effects, while a more recent stream of research has confirmed significant framing effects, the latter most likely to occur in cases where advocacy framing is used. This book examines the way in which the press in Canada and the United States interpreted the potential for violence that accompanied South Sudan's independence in 2011, and whether or not their governments had a responsibility to prevent.

During Sudan's interim period from the end of civil war in January 2005 until South Sudan's independence in July 2011, foreign development agencies provided extensive support and billions of dollars in aid - for which institutional development and capacity building of the nascent Government of Southern Sudan were core priorities. This six-year period thus provides a major case study in modern-day state-building. As a framework for analysis, the paper utilizes the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness - which was signed in February 2005, shortly after Sudan's peace agreement. Assessment of how the Paris principles were utilized in Southern Sudan underscores the limits of the prevailing orthodox approach to development, particularly in fragile post-conflict environments. In such complex, highly challenging contexts, orthodoxy often fails.