Suchergebnisse

The efforts of American Indians to gain rights & sovereignty are studied within the context of their struggles over being granted US citizenship following the 1924 Indian Citizenship Act. An overview of the circumstances & forces that produced the Indian Citizenship Act is presented, revealing that the US government believed it was obliged to protect the citizenship status of American Indians. The thought of Charles Eastman, a founder of the Society for American Indians, is reviewed, indicating that many American Indians did not want American citizenship, & consequently American culture & politics, forced upon them. Whereas certain American Indian groups attempted to negotiate their newly acquired citizenship status, it is noted that other groups, particularly the Iroquois nations, vehemently challenged the imposition of American citizenship upon American Indians & the passage of the Johnson act, which restricted American Indians' crossing of national boundaries. It is hoped that the present study will encourage additional consideration of the relationship between national boundaries & citizenship, especially as these determinants affect the lives of American Indians.

Examines why Latin American historiography has ignored the connection between the principle of consent & the law of nature & nations & compares this lacuna to the limits that nationalism imposes on the study of national history. At issue are the presuppositions that limit historical research. Following a look at some of these historical presuppositions, the function of the law of nature & nations in colonial society is scrutinized. Natural law in US historiography is then addressed, demonstrating a systematic undervaluation. It is then asserted that the principle of consent, as a key concept of the law of nature & nations, was instrumental in fostering Latin American independence. Returning to Latin American historiography, the right to sovereignty is compared for the Spanish & Anglo American independence movements. After delineating various conclusions related to the law of nature & nations in US & Latin Americanist historiography, brief remarks are offered on limitations imposed by ideological presuppositions on discourse. J. Zendejas

Deficiencies of trust in many Latin American countries significantly impede efforts to attain sufficient levels of sustainable, long-term economic growth. This paper discusses the role of trust as seen through the eyes of small entrepreneurs in Latin America. Three tables are discussed that specifically portray the role of trust in society, how entrepreneurs use trust to sustain their enterprises & socioeconomic networks, & the impacts of low trust in economic development in Latin America. This paper confirms what many leading scholars have claimed over the past two decades, that a cultural legacy of fractious civil societies accompanied with disruptive & often-corrupt polities does matter when measuring human progress & economic development. 3 Tables, 1 Figure, 71 References. Adapted from the source document.

One much-discussed explanation for the largely negative feelings Americans have harbored toward the federal government during the past 30 years or so is that whereas the people prefer centrist policies, elites persist in presenting and debating noncentrist policy solutions. As a result, the argument continues, many people are frustrated by policy debates that seem to be irrelevant to their own concerns and preferences. If this explanation is correct, parties and elites could boost public trust simply by moving closer to the policy center. But as yet, the " frustratedmoderate" thesis has been largely untested. Thus, in this article, using survey research, we determine the extent to which frustration with American government is indeed traceable to the fact that people possess policy positions more moderate than those of politicos. We find the evidence for this proposition to be lacking.

'Judicial independence is a means to a strong judicial institution, which is a means to personal liberty and prosperity.' United States Supreme Court Justice Stephen G. Breyer.Starting in the 1980s, and accelerating through the 1990s, international financial institutions (IFIs), non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and development agencies funnelled considerable resources into judicial reform and rule of law programmes in virtually every Latin American and Caribbean country. The assumption was that reformed court systems would foster free market economic development strategies. This article examines the impact of two frequently advocated aspects of judicial reform, judicial access and judicial independence, on economic policy making in Costa Rica. We argue that there is a potentially significant disjuncture between the sponsors' expectations of the judicial reforms' economic impact and the observed outcomes.

Examines innovative approaches to the curriculum and classroom pedagogy, based on experiences of leftist scholars in Latin America and around the world; 6 articles. Contents: A new Latin Americanist pedagogy, by Donald W. Bray; Latin American studies in the twenty-first century: why? how? by Marjorie Woodford Bray; A twenty-first century agenda for teaching the history of modern Afro-Latin America and the Caribbean, by Julio César Pino; Education for social transformation: Chicana/o and Latin American studies and community struggles, by Gilda Laura Ochoa and Enrique C. Ochoa; Lessons from an activist intellectual: participatory research, teaching, and learning for social change, by José Calderón; Americanizing labor: Columbian precedents, U.S. agencies, and the construction of culture in postwar Australian history curricula, by Robert Austin.

This article provides an overview of recent trends in imprisonment rates in America & introduces the articles in this issue of The Review of Policy Research. Incarceration rates have increased by more than 500 percent since the early 1970s & have now reached a rate of almost 700, higher than anywhere else in the world. The impact has been particularly hard on racial minorities, especially women (whose incarceration rate went from around 8 in 1975 to 59 in 2001). The "war on drugs" has been one of the main reasons behind the increases in imprisonment, along with the more general "get tough on crime" movement that began in the late 1970s. The articles in this issue center around how this recent trend in incarceration impacts the entire society, but especially poor communities. Several of the articles focus on race, age, & gender as important variables, in addition to the tendency of the parole system to sort of "recycle" released prisoners back into the prison system. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The American university is one of society's key institutions, perhaps the lead institution available today to respond to changing societal imperatives. However, for the university to continue to play a leading role, it is important to match the functions of the institution with the societal imperatives presented by a changed environment. In short, for purposeful, intelligent redesign of the university to take place, new blueprints for changes in the role of the university must be constructed. This article aims at such a blueprint. A heterogeneous set of changes in the environment -- globalization, immigration, rising social-economic inequality centrality of the knowledge economy, & issues surrounding cultural identity -- are the new changes that will transform the American university in coming decades. The implications of each of the challenges, particularly the recognition that the university must take a stronger responsibility to improve the nation's human capital, are discussed. 1 Table, 5 Figures, 1 Appendix, 33 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.]