International audience ; This paper examines how local forestry management has evolved in the Aït Bougmez Valley (Central High Atlas, Morocco) in the last three decades and how this evolution has affected forest ecosystem conditions. It focuses on the impact of the forestry administration on 'traditional forestry management' since its introduction in 1985, and of recent innovation in forestry policy. The relatively new Strategic Environmental Management Analysis (SEMA) framework is applied, rather than a more 'classical' new institutional framework. This approach allows for a more comprehensive understanding of both strategic interactions between various actors and ecological consequences of these interactions. An interesting empirical findings is that instead of a quite simple opposition between the forestry administration and local populations, negotiation opportunities exist that are taken by the actors. This leads to specific actor configurations and sometimes unexpected environmental outcomes, even if from a global point of view, forest stands have been seriously depleted over the last 40 years mainly due to exploitation by local population and the absence of economic alternative to forest exploitation. On the other hand, the implementation of a new policy tool in such a context has to be understood as an opportunity for new actors to take part in forest management rules definition.
International audience ; This paper examines how local forestry management has evolved in the Aït Bougmez Valley (Central High Atlas, Morocco) in the last three decades and how this evolution has affected forest ecosystem conditions. It focuses on the impact of the forestry administration on 'traditional forestry management' since its introduction in 1985, and of recent innovation in forestry policy. The relatively new Strategic Environmental Management Analysis (SEMA) framework is applied, rather than a more 'classical' new institutional framework. This approach allows for a more comprehensive understanding of both strategic interactions between various actors and ecological consequences of these interactions. An interesting empirical findings is that instead of a quite simple opposition between the forestry administration and local populations, negotiation opportunities exist that are taken by the actors. This leads to specific actor configurations and sometimes unexpected environmental outcomes, even if from a global point of view, forest stands have been seriously depleted over the last 40 years mainly due to exploitation by local population and the absence of economic alternative to forest exploitation. On the other hand, the implementation of a new policy tool in such a context has to be understood as an opportunity for new actors to take part in forest management rules definition.
"This book investigates how non-state actors have become key drivers of the diffusion of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in Brazil. The UN ranks Brazil as the most biodiverse country in the world, but the country's environment has never been under greater threat, with the rise of multiple crises bringing mounting challenges to socioeconomic development and environmental protection. As state support has fallen away, non-state actors have actively engaged and eventually mobilized other social actors towards the promotion of the SDGs and the implementation of the UN agenda. This book asks why it is that non-state actors have dedicated so much time, efforts and resources to promote a non-binding agenda that was ratified by and is mainly assigned to state actors. Looking at the roles of academia, civil society, and the private sector, the book explores the different ways in which these social actors make sense of and translate the 2030 Agenda into practice within their respective local contexts. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, this book sheds light on a series of challenges, opportunities and contradictions within the global agenda and its implementation. The case of Brazil case is particularly important to sustainable development researchers and policy makers, but this book also highlights what this case can teach us about sustainable development governance more broadly"--
"This book investigates how non-state actors have become key drivers of the diffusion of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in Brazil. The UN ranks Brazil as the most biodiverse country in the world, but the country's environment has never been under greater threat, with the rise of multiple crises bringing mounting challenges to socioeconomic development and environmental protection. As state support has fallen away, non-state actors have actively engaged and eventually mobilized other social actors towards the promotion of the SDGs and the implementation of the UN agenda. This book asks why it is that non-state actors have dedicated so much time, efforts and resources to promote a non-binding agenda that was ratified by and is mainly assigned to state actors. Looking at the roles of academia, civil society, and the private sector, the book explores the different ways in which these social actors make sense of and translate the 2030 Agenda into practice within their respective local contexts. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, this book sheds light on a series of challenges, opportunities and contradictions within the global agenda and its implementation. The case of Brazil case is particularly important to sustainable development researchers and policy makers, but this book also highlights what this case can teach us about sustainable development governance more broadly"--
"This book investigates how non-state actors have become key drivers of the diffusion of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in Brazil. The UN ranks Brazil as the most biodiverse country in the world, but the country's environment has never been under greater threat, with the rise of multiple crises bringing mounting challenges to socioeconomic development and environmental protection. As state support has fallen away, non-state actors have actively engaged and eventually mobilized other social actors towards the promotion of the SDGs and the implementation of the UN agenda. This book asks why it is that non-state actors have dedicated so much time, efforts and resources to promote a non-binding agenda that was ratified by and is mainly assigned to state actors. Looking at the roles of academia, civil society, and the private sector, the book explores the different ways in which these social actors make sense of and translate the 2030 Agenda into practice within their respective local contexts. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, this book sheds light on a series of challenges, opportunities and contradictions within the global agenda and its implementation. The case of Brazil case is particularly important to sustainable development researchers and policy makers, but this book also highlights what this case can teach us about sustainable development governance more broadly"--
Facultad de Economía Vasco de Quiroga. Maestría en Ciencias en Desarrollo Local ; At present the local governments are redeeming one more role excellent, on having included the inhabitants in the decision making, and it is foreseeable that in the future importance increases. Nevertheless, the local governments were relegated to be lenders of basic services, what caused that the population visualizes them like a government paternalistic. This way, the local governments drag a series problems that traslapan every three years, for the case of the municipalities michoacanos, to governments in shift, as they are: lacking in approach with the society for to propose viable solutions to the immediate and structural problems, and to go forging a long-term supported growth; the scarce school formation and commitment of the municipal public servants; the dependence with state government, etc. For the side of the institutions and the laws, the municipal public servants not they are provided with a support that should help them to be development promoters; more well one qualifies them in questions that have to do with administrative topics. Thus the approach of local development fits perfectly to requirements of the local governments, since it raises a development multidimensional, integral, dynamic, systemic and sustentable, that it takes as an axis head office to improve the quality of life of the population. Therefore, if the representatives of the municipalities they must improve the quality of life together with the participation city dweller and the local actors, is inevitably that they know such a vision. ; En la actualidad los gobiernos locales están desempeñando un papel más relevante, al incluir a los habitantes en la toma de decisiones, y es previsible que en el futuro se importancia se acreciente. Sin embargo, los gobiernos locales fueron relegados a ser prestadores de los servicios básicos, lo que ocasionó que la población los visualice como un gobierno paternalista. Así, los gobiernos locales arrastran una ...
The productive arrangement of intimate fashion in the Nova Friburgo region (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil) was identified by political institutions in the late 1990s and became the target of promotional initiatives. With this, a considerable number and variety of institutions began to develop actions for the territory. The purpose of this article is to investigate the perceptions of local actors, through field interviews, about these political experiences. From the theoretical framework of the Local Innovative and Productive System (LIPS), a mosaic of narratives based on the perspectives of the local actors was constructed. The confrontation between these narratives and the political discourse supported by extralocal institutions reveals important conclusions related to the LIPS development policies that will be presented in this article.
Version of Record - Oct 11, 2012. Earlier version first published online 13 December 2011. ; This paper focuses on the progressive institutionalization of the Basque language policy (also called Euskera) in the French Basque Country (Iparralde) since the Second World War. In view of this, it questions how such a policy programme emerged in such a centralized country as France. According to this study, this policy shift was favoured not only by a combination of endogenous factors (for example, the new French territorial polity, the new institutional capacities reached after decentralization, the new relationship with central state services, the establishment of stable territorial coalitions between civil society and local representatives, the new and more peaceful repertoire of collective actions among activists) but also by exogenous variables (for example, the rise of cross-border relations between French and Spanish Basque actors). In sum, the strong political institutions and social movements of the southern Basque Country partially compensated for the institutional weakness of French Basque actors and contributed, along with endogenous factors, to the institutionalization of a specific language policy for Euskera.
After a public consultation in 2018, Singapore implemented standardized tobacco packaging as part of its portfolio of tobacco control policies in 2020, in compliance with Article 11 guidelines for implementing the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. This study analyzed policy actors in opposition to standardized packaging in Singapore and their submissions to the public consultation. Policy actors were profiled, and their arguments were then coded and compared across submissions. Descriptive results were then summarized in a narrative synthesis. In total, 79 submissions were considered for final analysis that opposed plain packaging in Singapore. Thematic analysis shows that transnational tobacco companies and their subsidiaries in Singapore, along with a variety of policy actors opposed to the standardized packaging policy, have significant similarities in arguments, often with identical statements. Industry tactics included framing tobacco as a trade and investment issue; utilizing trade barriers, intellectual property, and investment rights; pursuing litigation or threat of litigation; mobilizing third-party support and citing policy failure. This study provides evidence that further contributes to the growing literature on commercial determinants of health particularly industry tactics and, in this case, where the tobacco industry and its local and global allies, utilize to counter evidence-based tobacco control measures.
ABSTRACT: This paper evaluates transformative policy innovations with respect to security and taxation in the three main Colombian cities: Bogotá, Medellín, and Cali. In the first two, such policies were associated with huge success. Elsewhere we (Gutiérrez et al. 2009) have tagged these transformation processes as 'urban/metropolitan miracles'. The term comes from the fact that both common citizens and pundits considered these to be extremely unlikely, that they were fast, and that they were large-scale. We argue, that the success of Bogotá and Medellín was the result of a set of institutional underpinnings basically related to the 1991 constitution; the opening of a window of opportunity for new political actors; and, as a result, the formation of a new government coalition and 'governance formula'. Anti-particularism was a language related to political demands— linked organically with the pro-1991 constitution movement—which became effective
In the first half of the 20th century, the Algarve's built-environment singularities were useful in both Estado Novo nationalistic constructs and Portuguese architectural modernism's project; but what was the role of local agency and politics in the process? This paper focuses on the fishing and canning-industry town of Olhão: a unique "Moorish-like" townscape made to represent the entire region in state propaganda, its presumed traditional features were translated into government infrastructure programmes, from low-budget housing to school building. Yet this was not merely a top-down construct: questioning superficial assertions of the reach of central dictums on regional style, I investigate the role of local actors in creating, supporting and sometimes resisting their building customs to offer a more comprehensive reading of the politics of tradition in a specific context.
In 2005 the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction introduced the 'Hyogo Framework for Action' (HFA) aimed at mainstreaming disaster risk reduction. Subsequently, the 'Global Network for Disaster Reduction' (GNDR) was formed to support the implementation of the HFA. The GNDR initiated a country-based, international research project called 'Views from the Frontline' (VFL) in order to measure progress at local level in terms of compliance with the HFA. The VFL 2011 project focused on local risk governance, which is critical for effective implementation of policy and provision of resources at grassroots level. This article provides insight into the findings for South Africa. The project made use of quantitative and qualitative data. Quantitative data was gathered by means of a survey and/or questionnaire consisting of 20 questions on 'indicators' which assessed progress toward the goals of the HFA. The surveys also provided for qualitative commentary. The target population for this research consisted of local government officials and community representatives. Based on the quantitative scores for all the different indicators, the research showed that South Africa could still improve significantly in terms of compliance with the HFA. More attention must be given to operationalise the HFA at local level, a culture of safety must be fostered, local actors and communities must be involved directly and consulted, indigenous knowledge must be recognised, and significant capacity development for disaster risk reduction is necessary.
This chapter charts the shift from sustainable development policy drivers, through the emergence of climate policy and its impact on public service managers, to the more recent development of low-carbon policy. We also explore the relationship between local business, the local political 'regime', the national and European political 'landscape' and implications for local actors in the East Midlands; arguing that while low-carbon policy might be more in tune with political realities than attempts at wholesale reductions of carbon emissions, it has brought into question the viability of existing carbon reduction targets. In doing this, we explore the tensions between the 'grand challenge' of climate change, the difficult details of policy implementation and the pragmatic reality of business practice. ; N/A
The present work aims to analyze the dynamics of an oasis territory known historically by the agriculture of the date palm, through the territorialization of a localized agri-food system (LAFS) in the phoeniculture sector. This territory is Tafilalet located in the region of Daraâ-Tafilalet in southeast Morocco. From there, to analyze this relationship between the territoriality of this LAFS and the dynamics of Tafilalet we adopt a qualitative approach based mainly on dozens of interviews with different local actors of the LAFS of the date palm in Tafilalet (LAFS-DPT). In terms of results, we presented the four levers of territorialization of the LAFS of the date palm in Tafilalet (physical, cognitive, historical and interpersonal, and institutional), and their economic, social, and environmental impacts on the territory. This shows a territorial dynamic with four figures (production, valorization, quality, and commercialization), supported by an important environmental sustainability orientation of the system, and thus an orientation of the LAFS of the date palm in Tafilalet towards the model of a territorialized food system (TFS).
In: Regions & cohesion: Regiones y cohesión = Régions et cohésion : the journal of the Consortium for Comparative Research on Regional Integration and Social Cohesion, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 22-46
The article examines a key priority in European Union policy toward the east and south: the effort to turn the external border areas into secure, stable, and prospering regions via support for cross-border cooperation. This features highly in a range of policies brought together under the European Neighbourhood Policy and in the partnership with Russia. The main question asked by the article is if these policies live up to the goal of involving local actors. Based on a content analysis of program documents and a categorization of project partners by actor type, the article argues that the notion of "local" can be subject to various understandings, but if we understand local versus regional along the lines of the European Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS) classification, the policy in practice is undoubtedly tilted toward regional rather than local cross-border cooperation. In addition, the article argues that the four objectives of the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument-Cross Border Cooperation (ENPI-CBC) do not match what could realistically be achieved with the resources available. Spanish El artículo examina una prioridad clave en la política de la Unión Europea hacia el este y el sur: el esfuerzo de convertir las zonas fronterizas exteriores en regiones seguras, estables y prósperas a través del apoyo a la cooperación transfronteriza. Este tema es fundamental en una serie de políticas públicas reunidas en la Política Europea de Vecindad y en la asociación con Rusia. La principal cuestión planteada en el texto es si estas políticas alcanzan el objetivo de involucrar a los actores locales. Con base en un análisis de contenido de los documentos del programa y en una categorización de los socios del proyecto por tipo de actor, el artículo sostiene que la noción de "local" puede ser objeto de diversas interpretaciones, pero si entendemos lo local frente a lo regional en la clasificación NUTS (Nomenclatura de las Unidades Territoriales Estadísticas) Europea, en la práctica la política está indudablemente inclinada hacia la cooperación transfronteriza regional más que a la local. Además, el artículo sostiene que los cuatro objetivos del IEVA-CT (Instrumento Europeo de Vecindad y Asociación - Cooperación transfronteriza) no coinciden con lo que realísticamente se puede lograr con los recursos disponibles. French Cet article examine une priorité clé dans la politique de l'Union européenne vis-à-vis de l'Est et du Sud: l'effort de transformer les zones frontalières extérieures en régions sûres, stables et prospères via un soutien à la coopération transfrontalière. Cet objectif figure au centre des priorités de la Politique européenne de voisinage et de partenariat avec la Russie. La principale question posée dans ce texte est celle de savoir si ces politiques sont en mesure de faire participer les acteurs locaux. Fondé sur l'analyse des documents et du contenu des programmes, ainsi que sur la catégorisation des projets de partenariat et du type d'acteurs, l'article affirme que la notion de «local» peut être sujette à diverses interprétations, mais que si nous analysons le terme à l'échelle régionale suivant les critères dé finis par la nomenclature européenne NUTS (Nomenclature des unités territoriales statistiques), nous verrons que dans la pratique, la politique européenne semble plus axée vers la coopération transfrontalière régionale que locale. En outre, l'article affirme que les quatre objectifs du IEVP-CTF (Instrument Européen de Voisinage et de Partenariat- Coopération transfrontalière) ne cadrent pas réellement avec les ressources disponibles.